ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter I: Raising The Regiment
      
Part I

	During the year preceding the outbreak of the Spanish War I was Assistant 
Secretary of the Navy.  While my party was in opposition, I had preached, with all the 
fervor and zeal I possessed, our duty to intervene in Cuba, and to take this opportunity 
of driving the Spaniard from the Western World.  Now that my party had come to 
power, I felt it incumbent on me, by word and deed, to do all I could to secure the 
carrying out of the policy in which I so heartily believed; and from the beginning I had 
determined that, if a war came, somehow or other, I was going to the front.

   See--Theodore Roosevelt: Once a war hero, Theodore Roosevelt was elected 
to be the 26th president of the United States.


   See--Colonel Theodore Roosevelt: Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, drawn by 
Charles Dana Gibson.


	Meanwhile, there was any amount of work at hand in getting ready the navy, and 
to this I devoted myself.

	Naturally, when one is intensely interested in a certain cause, the tendency is to 
associate particularly with those who take the same view.  A large number of my 
friends felt very differently from the way I felt, and looked upon the possibility of war 
with sincere horror.  But I found plenty of sympathizers, especially in the navy, the 
army, and the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs.  Commodore Dewey, Captain 
Evans, Captain Brownson, Captain Davis - with these and the various other naval 
officers on duty at Washington I used to hold long consultations, during which we went 
over and over, not only every question of naval administration, but specifically 
everything necessary to do in order to put the navy in trim to strike quick and hard if, 
as we believed would be the case, we went to war with Spain. Sending an ample 
quantity of ammunition to the Asiatic squadron and providing it with coal; getting the 
battle-ships and the armored cruisers on the Atlantic into one squadron, both to train 
them in manoeuvring together, and to have them ready to sail against either the Cuban 
or the Spanish coasts; gathering the torpedo-boats into a flotilla for practice; securing 
ample target exercise, so conducted as to raise the standard of our marksmanship; 
gathering in the small ships from European and South American waters; settling on the 
number and kind of craft needed as auxiliary cruisers - every one of these points was 
threshed over in conversations with officers who were present in Washington, or in 
correspondence with officers who, like Captain Mahan, were absent.

	As for the Senators, of course Senator Lodge and I felt precisely alike; for to fight 
in such a cause and with such an enemy was merely to carry out the doctrines we had 
both of us preached for many years.  Senator Davis, Senator Proctor, Senator 
Foraker, Senator Chandler, Senator Morgan, Senator Frye, and a number of others 
also took just the right ground; and I saw a great deal of them, as well as of many 
members of the House, particularly those from the West, where the feeling for war was 
strongest.

	Naval officers came and went, and Senators were only in the city while the 
Senate was in session; but there was one friend who was steadily in Washington.  This 
was an army surgeon, Dr. Leonard Wood.  I only met him after I entered the navy 
department, but we soon found that we had kindred tastes and kindred principles.  He 
had served in General Miles's inconceivably harassing campaigns against the 
Apaches, where he had displayed such courage that he won that most coveted of 
distinctions - the Medal of Honor; such extraordinary physical strength and endurance 
that he grew to be recognized as one of the two or three white men who could stand 
fatigue and hardship as well as an Apache; and such judgment that toward the close of 
the campaigns he was given, though a surgeon, the actual command of more than one 
expedition against the bands of renegade Indians. Like so many of the gallant fighters 
with whom it was later my good fortune to serve, he combined, in a very high degree, 
the qualities of entire manliness with entire uprightness and cleanliness of character.  It 
was a pleasure to deal with a man of high ideals, who scorned everything mean and 
base, and who also possessed those robust and hardy qualities of body and mind, for 
the lack of which no merely negative virtue can ever atone.  He was by nature a soldier 
of the highest type, and, like most natural soldiers, he was, of course, born with a keen 
longing for adventure; and, though an excellent doctor, what he really desired was the 
chance to lead men in some kind of hazard.  To every possibility of such adventure he 
paid quick attention.  For instance, he ead a great desire to get me to go with him on 
an expedition into the Klondike in mid-winter, at the time when it was thought that a 
relief party would have to be sent there to help the starving miners.

	In the summer he and I took long walks together through the beautiful broken 
country surrounding Washington.  In winter we sometimes varied these walks by 
kicking a foot-ball in an empty lot, or, on the rare occasions when there was enough 
snow, by trying a couple of sets of skis or snow-skates, which had been sent me from 
Canada.

	But always on our way out to and back from these walks and sport, there was 
one topic to which, in our talking, we returned, and that was the possible war with 
Spain.  We both felt very strongly that such a war would be as righteous as it would be 
advantageous to the honor and the interests of the nation; and after the blowing up of 
the Maine, we felt that it was inevitable. We then at once began to try to see that we 
had our share in it.  The President and my own chief, Secretary Long, were very firm 
against my going, but they said that if I was bent upon going they would help me. 
Wood was the medical adviser of both the President and the Secretary of War, and 
could count upon their friendship.  So we started with the odds in our favor.

	At first we had great difficulty in knowing exactly what to try for. We could go on 
the staff of any one of several Generals, but we much preferred to go in the line.  
Wood hoped he might get a commission in his native State of Massachusetts; but in 
Massachusetts, as in every other State, it proved there were ten men who wanted to 
go to the war for every chance to go.  Then we thought we might get positions as field-
officers under an old friend of mine, Colonel - now General - Francis V. Greene, of 
New York, the Colonel of the Seventy-first; but again there were no vacancies.

	Our doubts were resolved when Congress authorized the raising of three cavalry 
regiments from among the wild riders and riflemen of the Rockies and the Great 
Plains.  During Wood's service in the Southwest he had commanded not only regulars 
and Indian scouts, but also white frontiersmen. In the Northwest I had spent much of 
my time, for many years, either on my ranch or in long hunting trips, and had lived and 
worked for months together with the cow-boy and the mountain hunter, faring in every 
way precisely as they did.

	Secretary Alger offered me the command of one of these regiments.  If I had 
taken it, being entirely inexperienced in military work, I should not have known how to 
get it equipped most rapidly, for I should have spent valuable weeks in learning its 
needs, with the result that I should have missed the Santiago campaign, and might not 
even have had the consolation prize of going to Porto Rico.  Fortunately, I was wise 
enough to tell the Secretary that while I believed I could learn to command the 
regiment in a month, yet that it was just this very month which I could not afford to 
spare, and that tnerefore I would be quite content to go as Lieutenant-Colonel, if he 
would make Wood Colonel.

	This was entirely satisfactory to both the President and Secretary, and, 
accordingly, Wood and I were speedily commissioned as Colonel and Lieutenant-
Colonel of the First United States Volunteer Cavalry.  This was the official title of the 
regiment, but fo  some reason or other the public promptly christened us the "Rough 
Riders." At first we fought against theouse of the term, but to no purpose; and when 
finally the Generals of Division and Brigade began to write in formal communications 
about our regiment as the "Rough Riders," we adopted the term ourselves.

	The mustering-places for the regiment were appointed in New Mexico, Arizona, 
Oklahoma, and Indian Territory.  The difficulty in organizing was not in selecting, but in 
rejecting men.  Within a day or two after it was announced that we were to raise the 
regiment, we were literally deluged with applications from every quarter of the Union.  
Without the slightest trouble, so far as men went, we could have raised a brigade or 
even a division.  The difficulty lay in arming, equipping, mounting, and disciplining the 
men we selected.  Hundreds of regiments were being called into existence by the 
National Government, and each regiment was sure to have innumerable wants to be 
satisfied.  To a man who knew the ground as Wood did, and who was entirely aware of 
our national unpreparedness, it was evident that the ordnance and quartermasteres 
bureaus could not meet, for some time to come, one-tenth of the demands that would 
be made upon them; and it was all-important to get in first with our demands.  Thanks 
to his knowledge of the situation and promptness, we immediately put in our 
requisitions for the articles indispensable for the equipment of the regiment; and then, 
by ceaseless worrying of excellent bureaucrats, who had no idea how to do things 
quickly or how to meet an emergency, we succeeded in getting our rifles, cartridges, 
revolvers, clothing, shelter-tents, and horse gear just in time to enable us to go on the 
Santiago expedition. Some of the State troops, who were already organized as 
National Guards, were, of course, ready, after a fashion, when the war broke out; but 
no other regiment which had our work to do was able to do it in anything like as quick 
time, and therefore no other volunteer regiment saw anything like the fighting which we 
did.

	Wood thoroughly realized what the Ordnance Department failed to realize, 
namely the inestimable advantage of smokeless powder; and, moreover, he was bent 
upon our having the weapons of the regulars, for this meant that we would be brigaded 
with them, and it was evident that they would do the bulk of the fighting if the war were 
short.  Accordingly, by acting with the utmost vigor and promptness, he succeeded in 
getting our regiment armed with the Krag-Jorgensen carbine used by the regular 
cavalry.

	It was impossible to take any of the numerous companies which were proffered 
to us from the various States.  The only organized bodies we were at liberty to accept 
were those from the four Territories.  But owing to the fact that the number of men 
originally allotted to us, 780, was speedily raised to 1,000, we were given a chance to 
accept quite a number of eager volunteers who did not come from the Territories, but 
who possessed precisely the same temper that distinguished our Southwestern 
recruits, and whose presence materially benefited the regiment.

	We drew recruits from Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and many another college; from 
clubs like the Somerset, of Boston, and Knickerbocker, of New York; and from among 
the men who belonged neither to club nor to college, but in whose veins the blood 
stirred with the same impulse which once sent the Vikings over sea.  Four of the 
policemen who had served under me, while I was President of the New York Police 
Board, insisted on coming - two of them to die, the other two to return unhurt after 
honorable and dangerous service.  It seemed to me that almost every friend I had in 
every State had some one acquaintance who was bound to go with the Rough Riders, 
and for whom I had to make a place. Thomas Nelson Page, General Fitzhugh Lee, 
Congressman Odell of New York, Senator Morgan; for each of these, and for many 
others, I eventually consented to accept some one or two recruits, of course only after 
a most rigid examination into their physical capacity, and after they had shown that 
they knew how to ride and shoot.  I may add that in no case was I disappointed in the 
men thus taken.

	Harvard being my own college, I had such a swarm of applications from it that I 
could not take one in ten.  What particularly pleased me, not only in the Harvard but 
the Yale and Princeton men, and, indeed, in these recruits from the older States 
generally, was that they did not ask for commissions. With hardly an exception they 
entered upon their duties as troopers in the spirit which they held to the end, merely 
endeavoring to show that no work could be too hard, too disagreeable, or too 
dangerous for them to perform, and neither asking nor receiving any reward in the way 
of promotion or consideration.  The Harvard contingent was practically raised by Guy 
Murchie, of Maine.  He saw all the fighting and did his duty with the utmost gallantry, 
and then left the service as he had entered it, a trooper, entirely satisfied to have done 
his duty - and no man did it better.  So it was with Dudley Dean, perhaps the best 
quarterback who ever played on a Harvard Eleven; and so with Bob Wrenn, a 
quarterback whose feats rivalled those of Dean's, and who, in addition, was the 
champion tennis player of America, and had, on two different years, saved this 
championship from going to an Englishman.  So it was with Yale men like Waller, the 
high jumper, and Garrison and Girard; and with Princeton men like Devereux and 
Channing, the foot-ball players; with Larned, the tennis player; with Craig Wadsworth, 
the steeple-chase rider; with Joe Stevens, the crack polo player; with Hamilton Fish, 
the ex-captain of the Columbia crew, and with scores of others whose names are quite 
as worthy of mention as any of those I have given.  Indeed, they all sought entry into 
the ranks of the Rough Riders as eagerly as if it meant something widely different from 
hard work, rough fare, and the possibility of death; and the reason why they turned out 
to be such good soldiers lay largely in the fact that they were men who had thoroughly 
count d the cost before entering, and who went into the regiment because they 
believed that this offered their best chance for seeing hard and dangerous service.  
Mason Mitchell, of New York, who had been a chief of scouts in the Riel Rebellion, 
travelled all the way to San Antonio to enlist; and others came there from distances as 
great.

   See--Hamilton Fish: Hamilton Fish, Jr., First Sergeant, Troop L.


	Some of them made appeals to me which I could not possibly resist. Woodbury 
Kane had been a close friend of mine at Harvard.  During the eighteen years that had 
passed since my graduation I had seen very little of him, though, being always 
interested in sport, I occasionally met him on the hunting field, had seen him on the 
deck of the Defender when she vanquished the Valkyrie, and knew the part he had 
played on the Navajoe, when, in her most important race, that otherwise unlucky yacht 
vanquished her opponent, the Prince of Wales's Britannia.  When the war was on, 
Kane felt it his duty to fight for his country.  He did not seek any position of distinction.  
All he desired was the chance to do whatever work he was put to do well, and to get to 
the front; and he enlisted as a trooper.  When I went down to the camp at San Antonio 
he was on kitchen duty, and was cooking and washing dishes for one of the New 
Mexican troops; and he was doing it so well that I had no further doubt as to how he 
would get on.

   See--Captain Woodbury Kane, William Pollock: "Woodbury Kane had been a 
close friend of mine at Harvard."


	My friend of many hunts and ranch partner, Robert Munro Ferguson, of Scotland, 
who had been on Lord Aberdeen's staff as a Lieutenant but a year before, likewise 
could not keep out of the regiment.  He, too, appealed to me in terms which I could not 
withstand, and came in like Kane to do his full duty as a trooper, and like Kane to win 
his commission by the way he thus did his duty.

	I felt many qualms at first in allowing men of this stamp to come in, for I could not 
be certain that they had counted the cost, and was afraid they would find it very hard to 
serve - not for a few days, but for months - in the ranks, while I, their former intimate 
associate, was a field- officer; but they insisted that they knew their minds, and the 
events showed that they did. We enlisted about fifty of them from Virginia, Maryland, 
and the Northeastern States, at Washington.  Before allowing them to be sworn in, I 
gathered them together and explained that if they went in they must be prepared not 
merely to fight, but to perform the weary, monotonous labor incident to the ordinary 
routine of a soldier's life; that they must be ready to face fever exactly as they were to 
face bullets; that they were to obey unquestioningly, and to do their duty as readily if 
called upon to garrison a fort as if sent to the front.  I warned them that work that was 
merely irksome and disagreeable must be faced as readily as work that was 
dangerous, and that no complaint of any kind must be made; and I told them that they 
were entirely at liberty not to go, but that after they had once signed there could then 
be no backing out.

	Not a man of them backed out; not one of them failed to do his whole duty.

	These men formed but a small fraction of the whole.  They went down to San 
Antonio, where the regiment was to gather and where Wood preceded me, while I 
spent a week in Washington hurrying up the different bureaus and telegraphing my 
various railroad friends, so as to insure our getting the carbines, saddles, and uniforms 
that we needed from the various armories and storehouses.  Then I went down to San 
Antonio myself, where I found the men from New Mexico, Arizona, and Oklahoma 
already gathered, while those from Indian Territory came in soon after my arrival.

	These were the men who made up the bulk of the regiment, and gave it its 
peculiar character.  They came from the Four Territories which yet remained within the 
boundaries of the United States; that is, from the lands that have been most recently 
won over to white civilization, and in which the conditions of life are nearest those that 
obtained on the frontier when there still was a frontier.  They were a splendid set of 
men, these Southwesterners - tall and sinewy, with resolute, weather-beaten faces, 
and eyes that looked a man straight in the face without flinching. They included in their 
ranks men of every occupation; but the three types were those of the cow-boy, the 
hunter, and the mining prospector - the man who wandered hither and thither, killing 
game for a living, and spending his life in the quest for metal wealth.

	In all the world there could be no better material for soldiers than that afforded by 
these grim hunters of the mountains, these wild rough riders of the plains.  They were 
accustomed to handling wild and savage horses; they were accustomed to following 
the chase with the rifle, both for sport and as a means of livelihood.  Varied though 
their occupations had been, almost all had, at one time or another, herded cattle and 
hunted big game.  They were hardened to life in the open, and to shifting for 
themselves under adverse circumstances.  They were used, for all their lawless 
freedom, to the rough discipline of the round-up and the mining company.  Some of 
them came from the small frontier towns; but most were from the wilderness, having 
left their lonely hunters' cabins and shifting cow-camps to seek new and more stirring 
adventures beyond the sea.

	They had their natural leaders - the men who had shown they could master other 
men, and could more than hold their own in the eager driving life of the new 
settlements.

	The Captains and Lieutenants were sometimes men who had campaigned in the 
regular army against Apache, Ute, and Cheyenne, and who, on completing their term 
of service, had shown their energy by settling in the new communities and growing up 
to be men of mark.  In other cases they were sheriffs, marshals, deputy-sheriffs and 
deputy-marshals - men who had fought Indians, and still more often had waged 
relentless war upon the bands of white desperadoes. There was Bucky O'Neill, of 
Arizona, Captain of Troop A, the Mayor of Prescott, a famous sheriff throughout the 
West for his feats of victorious warfare against the Apache, no less than against the 
white road-agents and man-killers.  His father had fought in Meagher's Brigade in the 
Civil War; and he was himself a born soldier, a born leader of men.  He was a wild, 
reckless fellow, soft spoken, and of dauntless courage and boundless ambition; he 
was stanchly loyal to his friends, and cared for his men in every way.  There was 
Captain Llewellen, of New Mexico, a good citizen, a political leader, and one of the 
most noted peace-officers of the country; he had been shot four times in pitched fights 
with red marauders and white outlaws.  There was Lieutenant Ballard, who had broken 
up the Black Jack gang of ill-omened notoriety, and his Captain, Curry, another New 
Mexican sheriff of fame.  The officers from the Indian Territory had almost all served as 
marshals and deputy-marshals; and in the Indian Territory, service as a deputy-
marshal meant capacity to fight stand-up battles with the gangs of outlaws.

	Three of our higher officers had been in the regular army.  One was Major 
Alexander Brodie, from Arizona, afterward Lieutenant-Colonel, who had lived for 
twenty years in the Territory, and had become a thorough Westerner without sinking 
the West Pointer - a soldier by taste as well as training, whose men worshipped him 
and would follow him anywhere, as they would Bucky O'Neill or any other of their 
favorites.  Brodie was running a big mining business; but when the Maine was blown 
up, he abandoned everything and telegraphed right and left to bid his friends get ready 
for the fight he saw impending.

	Then there was Micah Jenkins, the Captain of Troop K, a gentle and courteous 
South Carolinian, on whom danger acted like wine.  In action he was a perfect game-
cock, and he won his majority for gallantry in battle.

   See--Troop K, Rough Riders: Troop K, Rough Riders, inc. Sergeant Tiffany 
(with flag), (from left to right) Lieut. Woodbury Kane, Captain Jenkins, and Lieut. H.K. 
Devereux.


	Finally, there was Allyn Capron, who was, on the whole, the best soldier in the 
regiment.  In fact, I think he was the ideal of what an American regular army officer 
should be.  He was the fifth in descent from father to son who had served in the army 
of the United States, and in body and mind alike he was fitted to play his part to 
perfection.  Tall and lithe, a remarkable boxer and walker, a first-class rider and shot, 
with yellow hair and piercing blue eyes, he looked what he was, the archetype of the 
fighting man.  He had under him one of the two companies from the Indian Territory; 
and he so soon impressed himself upon the wild spirit of his followers, that he got them 
ahead in discipline faster than any other troop in the regiment, while at the same time 
taking care of their bodily wants.  His ceaseless effort was so to train them, care for 
them, and inspire them as to bring their fighting efficiency to the highest possible pitch.  
He required instant obedience, and tolerated not the slightest evasion of duty; but his 
mastery of his art was so thorough and his performance of his own duty so rigid that 
he won at once not merely their admiration, but that soldierly affection so readily given 
by the man in the ranks to the superior who cares for his men and leads them 
fearlessly in battle.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter I: Raising The Regiment
      
Part II

	All - Easterners and Westerners, Northerners and Southerners, officers and men, 
cow-boys and college graduates, wherever they came from, and whatever their social 
position - possessed in common the traits of hardihood and a thirst for adventure.  
They were to a man born adventurers, in the old sense of the word.

	The men in the ranks were mostly young; yet some were past their first youth.  
These had taken part in the killing of the great buffalo herds, and had fought Indians 
when the tribes were still on the war-path.  The younger ones, too, had led rough lives; 
and the lines in their faces told of many a hardship endured, and many a danger 
silently faced with grim, unconscious philosophy.  Some were originally from the East, 
and had seen strange adventures in different kinds of life, from sailing round the Horn 
to mining in Alaska.  Others had been born and bred in the West, and had never seen 
a larger town than Santa Fe or a bigger body of water than the Pecos in flood. Some of 
them went by their own name; some had changed their names; and yet others 
possessed but half a name, colored by some adjective, like Cherokee Bill, Happy Jack 
of Arizona, Smoky Moore, the bronco-buster, so named because cowboys often call 
vicious horses "smoky" horses, and Rattlesnake Pete, who had lived among the 
Moquis and taken part in the snake-dances.  Some were professional gamblers, and, 
on the other hand, no less than four were or had been Baptist or Methodist clergymen 
- and proved first-class fighters, too, by the way.  Some were men whose lives in the 
past had not been free from the taint of those fierce kinds of crime into which the 
lawless spirits who dwell on the border-land between civilization and savagery so 
readily drift.  A far larger number had served at different times in those bodies of 
armed men with which the growing civilization of the border finally puts down its 
savagery.

   See--Five bronco-busters: Some of them went by their own name; some had 
changed their names; and yet others possessed but half a name, colored by some 
adjective, like Cherokee Bill, Happy Jack of Arizona, Smoky Moore, the bronco-buster, 
so named because cowboys often call vicious horses "smoky" horses, and Rattlesnake 
Pete, who had lived among the Moquis and taken part in the snake-dances.


	There was one characteristic and distinctive contingent which could have 
appeared only in such a regiment as ours.  From the Indian Territory there came a 
number of Indians - Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Creeks.  Only a few were 
of pure blood.  The others shaded off until they were absolutely indistinguishable from 
their white comrades; with whom, it may be mentioned, they all lived on terms of 
complete equality.

	Not all of the Indians were from the Indian Territory.  One of the gamest fighters 
and best soldiers in the regiment was Pollock, a full-blooded Pawnee.  He had been 
educated, like most of the other Indians, at one of those admirable Indian schools 
which have added so much to the total of the small credit account with which the White 
race balances the very unpleasant debit account of its dealings with the Red.  Pollock 
was a silent, solitary fellow - an excellent penman, much given to drawing pictures.  
When we got down to Santiago he developed into the regimental clerk.  I never 
suspected him of having a sense of humor until one day, at the end of our stay in 
Cuba, as he was sitting in the Adjutant's tent working over the returns, there turned up 
a trooper of the First who had been acting as barber.  Eying him with immovable face 
Pollock asked, in a guttural voice, "Do you cut hair?" The man answered "Yes"; and 
Pollock continued, "Then you'd better cut mine," muttering, in an explanatory soliloquy, 
"Don't want to wear my hair long like a wild Indian when I'm in civilized warfare."

	Another Indian came from Texas.  He was a brakeman on the Southern Pacific, 
and wrote telling me he was an American Indian, and that he wanted to enlist.  His 
name was Colbert, which at once attracted my attention; for I was familiar with the 
history of the Cherokees and Chickasaws during the eighteenth century, when they 
lived east of the Mississippi.  Early in that century various traders, chiefly Scotchmen, 
settled among them, and the half-breed descendants of one named Colbert became 
the most noted chiefs of the Chickasaws.  I summoned the applicant before me, and 
found that he was an excellent man, and, as I had supposed, a descendant of the old 
Chickasaw chiefs.

	He brought into the regiment, by the way, his "partner," a white man. The two 
had been inseparable companions for some years, and continued so in the regiment.  
Every man who has lived in the West knows that, vindictive though the hatred between 
the white man and the Indian is when they stand against one another in what may be 
called their tribal relations, yet that men of Indian blood, when adopted into white 
communities, are usually treated precisely like anyone else.

	Colbert was not the only Indian whose name I recognized.  There was a 
Cherokee named Adair, who, upon inquiry, I found to be descended from the man 
who, a century and a half ago, wrote a ponderous folio, to this day of great interest, 
about the Cherokees, with whom he had spent the best years of his life as a trader and 
agent.

	I don't know that I ever came across a man with a really sweeter nature than 
another Cherokee named Holderman.  He was an excellent soldier, and for a long time 
acted as cook for the head-quarters mess.  He was a half-breed, and came of a soldier 
stock on both sides and through both races.  He explained to me once why he had 
come to the war; that it was because his people always had fought when there was a 
war, and he could not feel happy to stay at home when the flag was going into battle.

	Two of the young Cherokee recruits came to me with a most kindly letter from 
one of the ladies who had been teaching in the academy from which they were about 
to graduate.  She and I had known one another in connection with Governmental and 
philanthropic work on the reservations, and she wrote to commend the two boys to my 
attention.  One was on the Academy foot-ball team and the other in the glee-club.  
Both were fine young fellows.  The foot-ball player now lies buried with the other dead 
who fell in the fight at San Juan. The singer was brought to death's door by fever, but 
recovered and came back to his home.

	There were other Indians of much wilder type, but their wildness was precisely 
like that of the cow-boys with whom they were associated.  One or two of them needed 
rough discipline; and they got it, too.  Like the rest of the regiment, they were splendid 
riders.  I remember one man, whose character left much to be desired in some 
respects, but whose horsemanship was unexceptionable.  He was mounted on an 
exceedingly bad bronco, which would bolt out of the ranks at drill.  He broke it of this 
habit by the simple expedient of giving it two tremendous twists, first to one side and 
then to the other, as it bolted, with the result that, invariably, at the second bound its 
legs crossed and over it went with a smash, the rider taking the somersault with 
unmoved equanimity.

	The life histories of some of the men who joined our regiment would make many 
volumes of thrilling adventure.

	We drew a great many recruits from Texas; and from nowhere did we get a 
higher average, for many of them had served in that famous body of frontier fighters, 
the Texas Rangers.  Of course, these rangers needed no teaching. They were already 
trained to obey and to take responsibility. They were splendid shots, horsemen, and 
trailers.  They were accustomed to living in the open, to enduring great fatigue and 
hardship, and to encountering all kinds of danger.

	Many of the Arizona and New Mexico men had taken part in warfare with the 
Apaches, those terrible Indians of the waterless Southwestern mountains - the most 
bloodthirsty and the wildest of all the red men of America, and the most formidable in 
their own dreadful style of warfare.  Of course, a man who had kept his nerve and held 
his own, year after year, while living where each day and night contained the threat of 
hidden death from a foe whose going and comings were unseen, was not apt to lose 
courage when confronted with any other enemy.  An experience in following in the trail 
of an enemy who might flee at one stretch through fifty miles of death-like desert was a 
good school out of which to come with profound indifference for the ordinary hardships 
of campaigning.

	As a rule, the men were more apt, however, to have had experience in warring 
against white desperadoes and law-breakers than against Indians. Some of our best 
recruits came from Colorado.  One, a very large, hawk-eyed man, Benjamin Franklin 
Daniels, had been Marshal of Dodge City when that pleasing town was probably the 
toughest abode of civilized man to be found anywhere on the continent.  In the course 
of the exercise of his rather lurid functions as peace-officer he had lost half of one ear - 
"bitten off," it was explained to me.  Naturally, he viewed the dangers of battle with 
philosophic calm.  Such a man was, in reality, a veteran even in his first fight, and was 
a tower of strength to the recruits in his part of the line.  With him there came into the 
regiment a deputy marshal from Cripple Creek named Sherman Bell.  Bell had a 
hernia, but he was so excellent a man that we decided to take him.  I do not think I 
ever saw greater resolution than Bell displayed throughout the campaign.  In Cuba the 
great exertions which he was forced to make, again and again opened the hernia, and 
the surgeons insisted that he must return to the United States; but he simply would not 
go.

	Then there was little McGinty, the bronco-buster from Oklahoma, who never had 
walked a hundred yards if by any possibility he could ride.  When McGinty was 
reproved for his absolute inability to keep step on the drill-ground, he responded that 
he was pretty sure he could keep step on horseback.  McGinty's short legs caused him 
much trouble on the marches, but we had no braver or better man in the fights.

   See--Rough Riders - Sergeant Darrell Rides and Bucker McGinty on a Bronco: 
Then there was little McGinty, the bronco-buster from Oklahoma, who never had 
walked a hundred yards if by any possibility he could ride.


	One old friend of mine had come from far northern Idaho to join the regiment at 
San Antonio.  He was a hunter, named Fred Herrig, an Alsatian by birth.  A dozen 
years before he and I had hunted mountain sheep and deer when laying in the winter 
stock of meat for my ranch on the Little Missouri, sometimes in the bright fall weather, 
sometimes in the Arctic bitterness of the early Northern winter.  He was the most loyal 
and simple-hearted of men, and he had come to join his old "boss" and comrade in the 
bigger hunting which we were to carry on through the tropic mid-summer.

	The temptation is great to go on enumerating man after man who stood pre-
eminent, whether as a killer of game, a tamer of horses, or a queller of disorder among 
his people, or who, mayhap, stood out with a more evil prominence as himself a 
dangerous man - one given to the taking of life on small provocation, or one who was 
ready to earn his living outside the law if the occasion demanded it.  There was tall 
Proffit, the sharpshooter, from North Carolina - sinewy, saturnine, fearless; Smith, the 
bear-hunter from Wyoming, and McCann, the Arizona book-keeper, who had begun 
life as a buffalo-hunter.  There was Crockett, the Georgian, who had been an Internal 
Revenue officer, and had waged perilous war on the rifle-bearing "moonshiners." 
There were Darnell and Wood of New Mexico, who could literally ride any horses alive.  
There were Goodwin, and Buck Taylor, and Armstrong the ranger, crack shots with 
rifle or revolver.  There was many a skilled packer who had led and guarded his trains 
of laden mules through the Indian-haunted country surrounding some out-post of 
civilization. There were men who had won fame as Rocky Mountain stage-drivers, or 
who had spent endless days in guiding the slow wagon-trains across the grassy plains.  
There were miners who knew every camp from the Yukon to Leadville, and cow-
punchers in whose memories were stored the brands carried by the herds from 
Chihuahua to Assiniboia. There were men who had roped wild steers in the mesquite 
brush of the Nueces, and who, year in and year out, had driven the trail herds 
northward over desolate wastes and across the fords of shrunken rivers to the 
fattening grounds of the Powder and the Yellowstone.  They were hardened to the 
scorching heat and bitter cold of the dry plains and pine-clad mountains. They were 
accustomed to sleep in the open, while the picketed horses grazed beside them near 
some shallow, reedy pool.  They had wandered hither and thither across the vast 
desolation of the wilderness, alone or with comrades. They had cowered in the shelter 
of cut banks from the icy blast of the norther, and far out on the midsummer prairies 
they had known the luxury of lying in the shade of the wagon during the noonday rest.  
They had lived in brush leantos for weeks at a time, or with only the wagon-sheet as 
an occasional house.  They had fared hard when exploring the unknown; they had 
fared well on the round-up; and they had known the plenty of the log ranch-houses, 
where the tables were spread with smoked venison and calfribs and milk and bread, 
and vegetables from tbe garden-patch.

	Such were the men we had as recruits: soldiers ready made, as far as concerned 
their capacity as individual fighters.  What was necessary was to teach them to act 
together, and to obey orders.  Our special task was to make them ready for action in 
the shortest possible time.  We were bound to see fighting, and therefore to be with the 
first expedition that left the United States; for we could not tell how long the war would 
last.

	I had been quite prepared for trouble when it came to enforcing discipline, but I 
was agreeably disappointed.  There were plenty of hard characters who might by 
themselves have given trouble, and with one or two of whom we did have to take 
rough measures; but the bulk of the men thoroughly understood that without discipline 
they would be merely a valueless mob, and they set themselves hard at work to learn 
the new duties.  Of course, such a regiment, in spite of, or indeed I might almost say 
because of, the characteristics which made the individual men so exceptionally 
formidable as soldiers, could very readily have been spoiled. Any weakness in the 
commander would have ruined it.  On the other hand, to treat it from the stand-point of 
the martinet and military pedant would have been almost equally fatal.  From the 
beginning we started out to secure the essentials of discipline, while laying just as little 
stress as possible on the non-essentials.  The men were singularly quick to respond to 
any appeal to their intelligence and patriotism.  The faults they committed were those 
of ignorance merely.  When Holderman, in announcing dinner to the Colonel and the 
three Majors, genially remarked, "If you fellars don't come soon, everything 'll get cold," 
he had no thought of other than a kindly and respectful regard for their welfare, and 
was glad to modify his form of address on being told that it was not what could be 
described as conventionally military.  When one of our sentinels, who had with much 
labor learned the manual of arms, saluted with great pride as I passed, and added, 
with a friendly nod, "Good-evening, Colonel," this variation in the accepted formula on 
such occasions was meant, and was accepted, as mere friendly interest.  In both 
cases the needed instruction was given and received in the same kindly spirit.

	One of the new Indian Territory recruits, after twenty-four hours' stay in camp, 
during which he had held himself distinctly aloof from the general interests, called on 
the Colonel in his tent, and remarked, "Well, Colonel, I want to shake hands and say 
we're with you.  We didn't know how we would like you fellars at first; but you're all 
right, and you know your business, and you mean business, and you can count on us 
every time!"

	That same night, which was hot, mosquitoes were very annoying; and shortly 
after midnight both the Colonel and I came to the doors of our respective tents, which 
adjoined one another.  The sentinel in front was also fighting mosquitoes.  As we came 
out we saw him pitch his gun about ten feet off, and sit down to attack some of the 
pests that had swarmed up his trousers' legs.  Happening to glance in our direction, he 
nodded pleasantly and, with unabashed and friendly feeling, remarked, "Ain't they 
bad?"

	It was astonishing how soon the men got over these little peculiarities. They 
speedily grew to recognize the fact that the observance of certain forms was essential 
to the maintenance of proper discipline.  They became scrupulously careful in touching 
their hats, and always came to attention when spoken to.  They saw that we did not 
insist upon the observance of these forms to humiliate them; that we were as anxious 
to learn our own duties as we were to have them learn theirs, and as scrupulous in 
paying respect to our superiors as we were in exacting the acknowledgment due our 
rank from those below us; moreover, what was very important, they saw that we were 
careful to look after their interests in every way, and were doing all that was possible to 
hurry up the equipment and drill of the regiment, so as to get into the war.

	Rigid guard duty was established at once, and everyone was impressed with the 
necessity for vigilance and watchfulness.  The policing of the camp was likewise 
attended to with the utmost rigor.  As always with new troops, they were at first 
indifferent to the necessity for cleanliness in camp arrangements; but on this point 
Colonel Wood brooked no laxity, and in a very little while the hygienic conditions of the 
camp were as good as those of any regular regiment.  Meanwhile the men were being 
drilled, on foot at first, with the utmost assiduity.  Every night we had officers' school, 
the non-commissioned officers of each troop being given similar schooling by the 
Captain or one of the Lieutenants of the troop; and every day we practised hard, by 
squad, by troop, by squadron and battalion.  The earnestness and intelligence with 
which the men went to work rendered the task of instruction much less difficult than 
would be supposed.  It soon grew easy to handle the regiment in all the simpler forms 
of close and open order.  When they had grown so that they could be handled with 
ease in marching, and in the ordinary manoeuvres of the drill-ground, we began to 
train them in open-order work, skirmishing and firing.  Here their woodcraft and 
plainscraft, their knowledge of the rifle, helped us very much.  Skirmishing they took to 
naturally, which was fortunate, as practically all our fighting was done in open order.

	Meanwhile we were purchasing horses.  Judging from what I saw I do not think 
that we got heavy enough animals, and of those purchased certainly a half were nearly 
unbroken.  It was no easy matter to handle them on the picket-lines, and to provide for 
feeding and watering; and the efforts to shoe and ride them were at first productive of 
much vigorous excitement. Of course, those that were wild from the range had to be 
thrown and tied down before they could be shod.  Half the horses of the regiment 
bucked, or possessed some other of the amiable weaknesses incident to horse life on 
the great ranches; but we had abundance of men who were utterly unmoved by any 
antic a horse might commit.  Every animal was speedily mastered, though a large 
number remained to the end mounts upon which an ordinary rider would have felt very 
uncomfortable.

	My own horses were purchased for me by a Texas friend, John Moore, with 
whom I had once hunted peccaries on the Nueces.  I only paid fifty dollars apiece, and 
the animals were not showy; but they were tough and hardy, and answered my 
purpose well.

	Mounted drill with such horses and men bade fair to offer opportunities for 
excitement; yet it usually went off smoothly enough. Before drilling the men on 
horseback they had all been drilled on foot, and having gone at their work with hearty 
zest, they knew well the simple movements to form any kind of line or column.  Wood 
was busy from morning till night in hurrying the final details of the equipment, and he 
turned the drill of the men over to me.  To drill perfectly needs long practice, but to drill 
roughly is a thing very easy to learn indeed.  We were not always right about our 
intervals, our lines were somewhat irregular, and our more difficult movements were 
executed at times in rather a haphazard way; but the essential commands and the 
essential movements we learned without any difficulty, and the men performed them 
with great dash. When we put them on horseback, there was, of course, trouble with 
the horses; but the horsemanship of the riders was consummate.  In fact, the men 
were immensely interested in making their horses perform each evolution with the 
utmost speed and accuracy, and in forcing each unquiet, vicious brute to get into line 
and stay in line, whether he would or not.  The guidon-bearers held their plunging 
steeds true to the line, no matter what they tried to do; and each wild rider brought his 
wild horse into his proper place with a dash and ease which showed the natural 
cavalryman.

	In short, from the very beginning the horseback drills were good fun, and 
everyone enjoyed them.  We marched out through the adjoining country to drill 
wherever we found open ground, practising all the different column formations as we 
went.  On the open ground we threw out the line to one side or the other, and in one 
position and the other, sometimes at the trot, sometimes at the gallop.  As the men 
grew accustomed to the simple evolutions, we tried them more and more in skirmish 
drills, practising them so that they might get accustomed to advance in open order and 
to skirmish in any country, while the horses were held in the rear.

	Our arms were the regular cavalry carbine, the "Krag," a splendid weapon, and 
the revolver.  A few carried their favorite Winchesters, using, of course, the new model, 
which took the Government cartridge.  We felt very strongly that it would be worse than 
a waste of time to try to train our men to use the sabre - a weapon utterly alien to 
them; but with the rifle and revolver they were already thoroughly familiar.  Many of my 
cavalry friends in the past had insisted to me that the revolver was a better weapon 
than the sword - among them Basil Duke, the noted Confederate cavalry leader, and 
Captain Frank Edwards, whom I had met when elk-hunting on the head-waters of the 
Yellowstone and the Snake.  Personally, I knew too little to decide as to the 
comparative merits of the two arms; but I did know that it was a great deal better to 
use the arm with which our men were already proficient.  They were therefore armed 
with what might be called their natural weapon, the revolver.

	As it turned out, we were not used mounted at all, so that our preparations on 
this point came to nothing.  In a way, I have always regretted this.  We thought we 
should at least be employed as cavalry in the great campaign against Havana in the 
fall; and from the beginning I began to train my men in shock tactics for use against 
hostile cavalry.  My belief was that the horse was really the weapon with which to 
strike the first blow.  I felt that if my men could be trained to hit their adversaries with 
their horses, it was a matter of small amount whether, at the moment when the onset 
occurred, sabres, lances, or revolvers were used; while in the subsequent melee I 
believed the revolver would outclass cold steel as a weapon.  But this is all guesswork, 
for we never had occasion to try the experiment.

	It was astonishing what a difference was made by two or three weeks' training.  
The mere thorough performance of guard and police duties helped the men very 
rapidly to become soldiers.  The officers studied hard, and both officers and men 
worked hard in the drill-field.  It was, of course, rough and ready drill; but it was very 
efficient, and it was suited to the men who made up the regiment.  Their uniform also 
suited them.  In their slouch hats, blue flannel shirts, brown trousers, leggings and 
boots, with handkerchiefs knotted loosely around their necks, they looked exactly as a 
body of cow-boy cavalry should look.  The officers speedily grew to realize that they 
must not be over-familiar with their men, and yet that they must care for them in every 
way.  The men, in return, began to acquire those habits of attention to soldierly detail 
which mean so much in making a regiment.  Above all, every man felt, and had 
constantly instilled into him, a keen pride of the regiment, and a resolute purpose to do 
his whole duty uncomplainingly, and, above all, to win glory by the way he handled 
himself in battle.

   See--The Rough Riders at Camp Wikoff: The officers studied hard, and both 
officers and men worked hard in the drill-field.  It was, of course, rough and ready drill; 
but it was very efficient, and it was suited to the men who made up the regiment.




ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter II: To Cuba
    
Part I

	Up to the last moment we were spending every ounce of energy we had in 
getting the regiment into shape.  Fortunately, there were a good many vacancies 
among the officers, as the original number of 780 men was increased to 1,000; so that 
two companies were organized entirely anew. This gave the chance to promote some 
first-rate men.

	One of the most useful members of the regiment was Dr. Robb Church, formerly 
a Princeton foot-ball player.  He was appointed as Assistant Surgeon, but acted 
throughout almost all the Cuban campaign as the Regimental Surgeon. It was Dr. 
Church who first gave me an idea of Bucky O'Neill's versatility, for I happened to 
overhear them discussing Aryan word-roots together, and then sliding off into a review 
of the novels of Balzac, and a discussion as to how far Balzac could be said to be the 
founder of the modern realistic school of fiction.  Church had led almost as varied a life 
as Bucky himself, his career including incidents as far apart as exploring and elk-
hunting in the Olympic Mountains, cooking in a lumber-camp, and serving as doctor on 
an emigrant ship.

	Woodbury Kane was given a commission, and also Horace Devereux, of 
Princeton.  Kane was older than the other college men who entered in the ranks; and 
as he had the same good qualities to start with, this resulted in his ultimately becoming 
perhaps the most useful soldier in the regiment. He escaped wounds and serious 
sickness, and was able to serve through every day of the regiment's existence.

	Two of the men made Second Lieutenants by promotion from the ranks while in 
San Antonio were John Greenway, a noted Yale foot-ball player and catcher on her 
base-ball nine, and David Goodrich, for two years captain of the Harvard crew.  They 
were young men, Goodrich having only just graduated; while Greenway, whose father 
had served with honor in the Confederate Army, had been out of Yale three or four 
years.  They were natural soldiers, and it would be well-nigh impossible to 
overestimate the amount of good they did the regiment. They were strapping fellows, 
entirely fearless, modest, and quiet.  Their only thought was how to perfect themselves 
in their own duties, and how to take care of the men under them, so as to bring them to 
the highest point of soldierly perfection.  I grew steadily to rely upon them, as men who 
could be counted upon with absolute certainty, not only in every emergency, but in all 
routine work.  They were never so tired as not to respond with eagerness to the 
slightest suggestion of doing something new, whether it was dangerous or merely 
difficult and laborious.  They not merely did their duty, but were always on the watch to 
find out some new duty which they could construe to be theirs.  Whether it was policing 
camp, or keeping guard, or preventing straggling on the march, or procuring food for 
the men, or seeing that they took care of themselves in camp, or performing some feat 
of unusual hazard in the fight - no call was ever made upon them to which they did not 
respond with eager thankfulness for being given the chance to answer it.  Later on I 
worked them as hard as I knew how, and the regiment will always be their debtor.

	Greenway was from Arkansas.  We could have filled up the whole regiment many 
times over from the South Atlantic and Gulf States alone, but were only able to accept 
a very few applicants.  One of them was John McIlhenny, of Louisiana; a planter and 
manufacturer, a big-game hunter and book-lover, who could have had a commission in 
the Louisiana troops, but who preferred to go as a trooper in the Rough Riders 
because he believed we would surely see fighting.  He could have commanded any 
influence, social or political, he wished; but he never asked a favor of any kind.  He 
went into one of the New Mexican troops, and by his high qualities and zealous 
attention to duty speedily rose to a sergeantcy, and finally won his lieutenancy for 
gallantry in action.

	The tone of the officers' mess was very high.  Everyone seemed to realize that 
he had undertaken most serious work.  They all earnestly wished for a chance to 
distinguish themselves, and fully appreciated that they ran the risk not merely of death, 
but what was infinitely worse - namely, failure at the crisis to perform duty well; and 
they strove earnestly so to train themselves, and the men under them, as to minimize 
the possibility of such disgrace. Every officer and every man was taught continually to 
look forward to the day of battle eagerly, but with an entire sense of the drain that 
would then be made upon his endurance and resolution.  They were also taught that, 
before the battle came, the rigorous performance of the countless irksome duties of 
the camp and the march was demanded from all alike, and that no excuse would be 
tolerated for failure to perform duty.  Very few of the men had gone into the regiment 
lightly, and the fact that they did their duty so well may be largely attributed to the 
seriousness with which these eager, adventurous young fellows approached their 
work.  This seriousness, and a certain simple manliness which accompanied it, had 
one very pleasant side.  During our entire time of service, I never heard in the officers' 
mess a foul story or a foul word; and though there was occasional hard swearing in 
moments of emergency, yet even this was the exception.

	The regiment attracted adventurous spirits from everywhere.  Our chief trumpeter 
was a native American, our second trumpeter was from the Mediterranean - I think an 
Italian - who had been a soldier of fortune not only in Egypt, but in the French Army in 
Southern China.  Two excellent men were Osborne, a tall Australian, who had been an 
officer in the New South Wales Mounted Rifles; and Cook, an Englishman, who had 
served in South Africa. Both, when the regiment disbanded, were plaintive in 
expressing their fond regret that it could not be used against the Transvaal Boers!

	One of our best soldiers was a man whose real and assumed names I, for 
obvious reasons conceal.  He usually went by a nickname which I will call Tennessee.  
He was a tall, gaunt fellow, with a quiet and distinctly sinister eye, who did his duty 
excellently, especially when a fight was on, and who, being an expert gambler, always 
contrived to reap a rich harvest after pay-day.  When the regiment was mustered out, 
he asked me to put a brief memorandum of his services on his discharge certificate, 
which I gladly did. He much appreciated this, and added, in explanation, "You see, 
Colonel, my real name isn't Smith, its Yancy.  I had to change it, because three or four 
years ago I had a little trouble with a gentleman, and - er - well, in fact, I had to kill him; 
and the District Attorney, he had it in for me, and so I just skipped the country; and 
now, if it ever should be brought up against me, I should like to show your certificate as 
to my character!" The course of frontier justice sometimes moves in unexpected 
zigzags; so I did not express the doubt I felt as to whether my certificate that he had 
been a good soldier would help him much if he was tried for a murder committed three 
or four years previously.

	The men worked hard and faithfully.  As a rule, in spite of the number of rough 
characters among them, they behaved very well.  One night a few of them went on a 
spree, and proceeded "to paint San Antonia red." One was captured by the city 
authorities, and we had to leave him behind us in jail.  The others we dealt with 
ourselves, in a way that prevented a repetition of the occurrence.

	The men speedily gave one another nicknames, largely conferred in a spirit of 
derision, their basis lying in contrast.  A brave but fastidious member of a well-known 
Eastern club, who was serving in the ranks, was christened "Tough Ike"; and his 
bunkie, the man who shared his shelter-tent, who was a decidedly rough cow-puncher, 
gradually acquired the name of "The Dude." One unlucky and simple-minded cow-
puncher, who had never been east of the great plains in his life, unwarily boasted that 
he had an aunt in New York, and ever afterward went by the name of "Metropolitan 
Bill." A huge red-headed Irishman was named "Sheeny Solomon." A young Jew who 
developed into one of the best fighters in the regiment accepted, with entire 
equanimity, the name of "Pork-chop." We had quite a number of professional 
gamblers, who, I am bound to say, usually made good soldiers. One, who was almost 
abnormally quiet and gentle, was called "Hell Roarer"; while another, who in point of 
language and deportment was his exact antithesis, was christened "Prayerful James."

	While the officers and men were learning their duties, and learning to know one 
another, Colonel Wood was straining every nerve to get our equipments - an effort 
which was complicated by the tendency of the Ordnance Bureau to send whatever we 
really needed by freight instead of express.  Finally, just as the last rifles, revolvers, 
and saddles came, we were ordered by wire at once to proceed by train to Tampa.

	Instantly, all was joyful excitement.  We had enjoyed San Antonio, and were glad 
that our regiment had been organized in the city where the Alamo commemorates the 
death fight of Crockett, Bowie, and their famous band of frontier heroes.  All of us had 
worked hard, so that we had had no time to be homesick or downcast; but we were 
glad to leave the hot camp, where every day the strong wind sifted the dust through 
everything, and to start for the gathering-place of the army which was to invade Cuba.  
Our horses and men were getting into good shape.  We were well enough equipped to 
warrant our starting on the campaign, and every man was filled with dread of being out 
of the fighting.  We had a pack-train of 150 mules, so we had close on to 1,200 
animals to carry.

	Of course, our train was split up into sections, seven, all told; Colonel Wood 
commanding the first three, and I the last four.  The journey by rail from San Antonio to 
Tampa took just four days, and I doubt if anybody who was on the trip will soon forget 
it.  To occupy my few spare moments, I was reading M. Demolins's "Superiorite des 
Anglo-Saxons." M. Demolins, in giving the reasons why the English-speaking peoples 
are superior to those of Continental Europe, lays much stress upon the way in which 
"militarism" deadens the power of individual initiative, the soldier being trained to 
complete suppression of individual will, while his faculties become atrophied in 
consequence of his being merely a cog in a vast and perfectly ordered machine.  I can 
assure the excellent French publicist that American "militarism," at least of the 
volunteer sort, has points of difference from the militarism of Continental Europe.  The 
battalion chief of a newly raised American regiment, when striving to get into a war 
which the American people have undertaken with buoyant and light-hearted 
indifference to detail, has positively unlimited opportunity for the display of "individual 
initiative," and is in no danger whatever either of suffering from unhealthy suppression 
of personal will, or of finding his faculties of self-help numbed by becoming a cog in a 
gigantic and smooth-running machine.  If such a battalion chief wants to get anything 
or go anywhere he must do it by exercising every pound of resource, inventiveness, 
and audacity he possesses.  The help, advice, and superintendence he gets from 
outside will be of the most general, not to say superficial, character.  If he is a cavalry 
officer, he has got to hurry and push the purchase of his horses, plunging into and out 
of the meshes of red-tape as best he can.  He will have to fight for his rifles and his 
tents and his clothes.  He will have to keep his men healthy largely by the light that 
nature has given him.  When he wishes to embark his regiment, he will have to fight for 
his railway-cars exactly as he fights for his transport when it comes to going across the 
sea; and on his journey his men will or will not have food, and his horses will or will not 
have water and hay, and the trains will or will not make connections, in exact 
correspondence to the energy and success of his own efforts to keep things moving 
straight.

	It was on Sunday, May 29th, that we marched out of our hot, windy, dusty camp 
to take the cars for Tampa.  Colonel Wood went first, with the three sections under his 
special care.  I followed with the other four. The railway had promised us a forty-eight 
hours' trip, but our experience in loading was enough to show that the promise would 
not be made good. There were no proper facilities for getting the horses on or off the 
cars, or for feeding or watering them; and there was endless confusion and delay 
among the railway officials.  I marched my four sections over in the afternoon, the first 
three having taken the entire day to get off.  We occupied the night.  As far as the 
regiment itself was concerned, we worked an excellent system, Wood instructing me 
exactly how to proceed so as to avoid confusion.  Being a veteran campaigner, he had 
all along insisted that for such work as we had before us we must travel with the 
minimum possible luggage.  The men had merely what they could carry on their own 
backs, and the officers very little more.  My own roll of clothes and bedding could be 
put on my spare horse.  The mule-train was to be used simply for food, forage, and 
spare ammunition.  As it turned out, we were not allowed to take either it or the horses.

	It was dusk when I marched my long files of dusty troopers into the station-yard.  
I then made all dismount, excepting the troop which I first intended to load.  This was 
brought up to the first freight-car.  Here every man unsaddled, and left his saddle, 
bridle, and all that he did not himself need in the car, each individual's property being 
corded together. A guard was left in the car, and the rest of the men took the naked 
horses into the pens to be fed and watered.  The other troops were loaded in the same 
way in succession.  With each section there were thus a couple of baggage-cars in 
which the horse-gear, the superfluous baggage, and the travel rations were carried; 
and I also put aboard, not only at starting, but at every other opportunity, what oats 
and hay I could get, so as to provide against accidents for the horses.  By the time the 
baggage-cars were loaded the horses of the first section had eaten and drunk their fill, 
and we loaded them on cattle-cars.  The officers of each troop saw to the loading, 
taking a dozen picked men to help them; for some of the wild creatures, half broken 
and fresh from the ranges, were with difficulty driven up the chutes.  Meanwhile I 
superintended not merely my own men, but the railroad men; and when the delays of 
the latter, and their inability to understand what was necessary, grew past bearing, I 
took charge of the trains myself, so as to insure the horse-cars of each section being 
coupled with the baggage-cars of that section.

	We worked until long past midnight before we got the horses and baggage 
aboard, and then found that for some reason the passenger-cars were delayed and 
would not be out for some hours.  In the confusion and darkness men of the different 
troops had become scattered, and some had drifted off to the vile drinking-booths 
around the stockyards; so I sent details to search the latter, while the trumpeters blew 
the assembly until the First Sergeants could account for all the men.  Then the troops 
were arranged in order, and the men of each lay down where they were, by the tracks 
and in the brush, to sleep until morning.

	At dawn the passenger-trains arrived.  The senior Captain of each section saw to 
it that his own horses, troopers, and baggage were together; and one by one they 
started off, I taking the last in person.  Captain Capron had at the very beginning 
shown himself to be simply invaluable, from his extraordinary energy, executive 
capacity, and mastery over men; and I kept his section next mine, so that we generally 
came together at the different yards.

	The next four days were very hot and very dusty.  I tried to arrange so the 
sections would be far enough apart to allow each ample time to unload, feed, water, 
and load the horses at any stopping-place before the next section could arrive.  There 
was enough delay and failure to make connections on the part of the railroad people to 
keep me entirely busy, not to speak of seeing at the stopping-places that the 
inexperienced officers got enough hay for their horses, and that the water given to 
them was both ample in quantity and drinkable.  It happened that we usually made our 
longest stops at night, and this meant that we were up all night long.

	Two or three times a day I got the men buckets of hot coffee, and when we made 
a long enough stop they were allowed liberty under the supervision of the non-
commissioned officers.  Some of them abused the privilege, and started to get drunk.  
These were promptly handled with the necessary severity, in the interest of the others; 
for it was only by putting an immediate check to every form of lawlessness or 
disobedience among the few men who were inclined to be bad that we were enabled 
to give full liberty to those who would not abuse it.

	Everywhere the people came out to greet us and cheer us.  They brought us 
flowers; they brought us watermelons and other fruits, and sometimes jugs and pails of 
milk - all of which we greatly appreciated.  We were travelling through a region where 
practically all the older men had served in the Confederate Army, and where the 
younger men had all their lives long drunk in the endless tales told by their elders, at 
home, and at the cross-roads taverns, and in the court-house squares, about the 
cavalry of Forrest and Morgan and the infantry of Jackson and Hood.  The blood of the 
old men stirred to the distant breath of battle; the blood of the young men leaped hot 
with eager desire to accompany us.  The older women, who remembered the dreadful 
misery of war - the misery that presses its iron weight most heavily on the wives and 
the little ones - looked sadly at us; but the young girls drove down in bevies, arrayed in 
their finery, to wave flags in farewell to the troopers and to beg cartridges and buttons 
as mementos. Everywhere we saw the Stars and Stripes, and everywhere we were 
told, half-laughing, by grizzled ex-Confederates that they had never dreamed in the 
bygone days of bitterness to greet the old flag as they now were greeting it, and to 
send their sons, as now they were sending them, to fight and die under it.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter II: To Cuba
      
Part II

	It was four days later that we disembarked, in a perfect welter of confusion.  
Tampa lay in the pine-covered sand-flats at the end of a one-track railroad, and 
everything connected with both military and railroad matters was in an almost 
inextricable tangle.  There was no one to meet us or to tell us where we were to camp, 
and no one to issue us food for the first twenty-four hours; while the railroad people 
unloaded us wherever they pleased, or rather wherever the jam of all kinds of trains 
rendered it possible.  We had to buy the men food out of our own pockets, and to seize 
wagons in order to get our spare baggage taken to the camping ground which we at 
last found had been allotted to us.

	Once on the ground, we speedily got order out of confusion.  Under Wood's eye 
the tents were put up in long streets, the picket-line of each troop stretching down its 
side of each street.  The officers' quarters were at the upper ends of the streets, the 
company kitchens and sinks at the opposite ends.  The camp was strictly policed, and 
drill promptly begun. For thirty-six hours we let the horses rest, drilling on foot, and 
then began the mounted drill again.  The regiments with which we were afterward to 
serve were camped near us, and the sandy streets of the little town were thronged with 
soldiers, almost all of them regulars; for there were but one or two volunteer 
organizations besides ourselves.  The regulars wore the canonical dark blue of Uncle 
Sam.  Our own men were clad in dusty brown blouses, trousers and leggings being of 
the same hue, while the broad-brimmed soft hat was of dark gray; and very 
workmanlike they looked as, in column of fours, each troop trotted down its company 
street to form by squadron or battalion, the troopers sitting steadily in the saddles as 
they made their half-trained horses conform to the movement of the guidons.

	Over in Tampa town the huge winter hotel was gay with general-officers and their 
staffs, with women in pretty dresses, with newspaper correspondents by the score, 
with military attaches of foreign powers, and with onlookers of all sorts; but we spent 
very little time there.

	We worked with the utmost industry, special attention being given by each troop-
commander to skirmish-drill in the woods.  Once or twice we had mounted drill of the 
regiment as a whole.  The military attaches came out to look on - English, German, 
Russian, French, and Japanese.  With the Englishman, Captain Arthur Lee, a capital 
fellow, we soon struck up an especially close friendship; and we saw much of him 
throughout the campaign.  So we did of several of the newspaper correspondents - 
Richard Harding Davis, John Fox, Jr., Caspar Whitney, and Frederic Remington.  On 
Sunday Chaplain Brown, of Arizona, held service, as he did almost every Sunday 
during the campaign.

	There were but four or five days at Tampa, however.  We were notified that the 
expedition would start for destination unknown at once, and that we were to go with it; 
but that our horses were to be left behind, and only eight troops of seventy men each 
taken.  Our sorrow at leaving the horses it was very hard indeed to select the four 
troops that were to stay, and the men who had to be left behind from each of the 
troops that went. Colonel Wood took Major Brodie and myself to command the two 
squadrons, being allowed only two squadron commanders.  The men who were left 
behind felt the most bitder heartburn.  To the great bulk of them I think it will be a life-
long sorrow. I saw more than one, both among the officers and privates, burst into 
tears when he found he could not go.  No outsider can appreciate the bitterness of the 
disappointment.  Of course, really, those that stayed were entitled to precisely as much 
honor as those that went. Each man was doing his duty, and much the hardest and 
most disagreeable duty was to stay.  Credit should go with the performance of duty, 
and not with what is very often the accident of glory.  All this and much more we 
explained, but our explanations could not alter the fact that some had to be chosen 
and some had to be left.  One of the Captains chosen was Captain Maximilian Luna, 
who commanded Troop F, from New Mexico.  The Captain's people had been on the 
banks of the Rio Grande before my forefathers came to the mouth of the Hudson or 
Wood's landed at Plymouth; and he made the plea that it was his right to go as a 
representative of his race, for he was the only man of pure Spanish blood who bore a 
commission in the army, and he demanded the privilege of proving that his people 
were precisely as loyal Americans as any others.  I was glad when it was decided to 
take him.

	It was the evening of June 7th when we suddenly received orders that the 
expedition was to start from Port Tampa, nine miles distant by rail, at daybreak the 
following morning; and that if we were not aboard our transport by that time we could 
not go.  We had no intention of getting left, and prepared at once for the scramble 
which was evidently about to take place.  As the number and capacity of the transports 
were known, or ought to have been known, and as the number and size of the 
regiments to go were also known, the task of allotting each regiment or fraction of a 
regiment to its proper transport, and arranging that the regiments and the transports 
should meet in due order on the dock, ought not to have been difficult.  However, no 
arrangements were made in advance; and we were allowed to shove and hustle for 
ourselves as best we could, on much the same principles that had governed our 
preparations hitherto.

	We were ordered to be at a certain track with all our baggage at midnight, there 
to take a train for Port Tampa.  At the appointed time we turned up, but the train did 
not.  The men slept heavily, while Wood and I and various other officers wandered 
about in search of information which no one could give.  We now and then came 
across a Brigadier-General, or even a Major-General; but nobody knew anything.  
Some regiments got aboard the trains and some did not, but as none of the trains 
started this made little difference.  At three o'clock we received orders to march over to 
an entirely different track, and away we went.  No train appeared on this track either; 
but at six o'clock some coal-cars came by, and these we seized.  By various 
arguments we persuaded the engineer in charge of the train to back us down the nine 
miles to Port Tampa, where we arrived covered with coal-dust, but with all our 
belongings.

	The railway tracks ran out on the quay, and the transports, which had been 
anchored in midstream, were gradually being brought up alongside the quay and 
loaded.  The trains were unloading wherever they happened to be, no attention 
whatever being paid to the possible position of the transport on which the soldiers 
were to go.  Colonel Wood and I jumped off and started on a hunt, which soon 
convinced us that we had our work cut out if we were to get a transport at all.  From 
the highest General down, nobody could tell us where to go to find out what transport 
we were to have.  At last we were informed that we were to hunt up the depot 
quartermaster, Colonel Humphrey.  We found his office, where his assistant informed 
us that he didn't know where the Colonel was, but believed him to be asleep upon one 
of the trahsports.  This seemed odd at such a time; but so many of the methods in 
vogue were odd, that we were quite prepared to accept it as a fact.  However, it proved 
not to be such; but for an hour Colonel Humphrey might just as well have been asleep, 
as nobody knew where he was and nobody could find him, and the quay was 
crammed with some ten thousand men, most of whom were working at cross 
purposes.

   See--Port Tampa Transports: Scene on the dock at Port Tampa on the day of 
sailing of the transports.


	At last, however, after over an hour's industrious and rapid search through this 
swarming ant-heap of humanity, Wood and I, who had separated, found Colonel 
Humphrey at nearly the same time and were allotted a transport - the Yucatan.  She 
was out in midstream, so Wood seized a stray launch and boarded her.  At the same 
time I happened to find out that she had previously been allotted to two other 
regiments - the Second Regular Infantry and the Seventy-first New York Volunteers, 
which latter regiment alone contained more men than could be put aboard her.  
Accordingly, I ran at full speed to our train; and leaving a strong guard with the 
baggage, I double-quicked the rest of the regiment up to the boat, just in time to board 
her as she came into the quay, and then to hold her against the Second Regulars and 
the Seventy-first, who had arrived a little too late, being a shade less ready than we 
were in the matter of individual initiative.  There was a good deal of expostulation, but 
we had possession; and as the ship could not contain half of the men who had been 
told to go aboard her, the Seventy-first went away, as did all but four companies of the 
Second.  These latter we took aboard.  Meanwhile a General had caused our train to 
be unloaded at the end of the quay farthest from where the ship was; and the hungry, 
tired men spent most of the day in the labor of bringing down their baggage and the 
food and ammunition.

	The officers' horses were on another boat, my own being accompanied by my 
colored body-servant, Marshall, the most faithful and loyal of men, himself an old 
soldier of the Ninth Cavalry.  Marshall had been in Indian campaigns, and he 
christened my larger horse "Rain-in-the-Face," while the other, a pony, went by the 
name of "Texas."

   See--Little Texas - Colonel Roosevelt's war horse: The officers' horses were on 
another boat, my own being accompanied by my colored body-servant, Marshall, the 
most faithful and loyal of men, himself an old soldier of the Ninth Cavalry.  Marshall 
had been in Indian campaigns, and he christened my larger horse "Rain-in-the-Face," 
while the other, a pony, went by the name of "Texas."


	By the time that night fell, and our transport pulled off and anchored in 
midstream, we felt we had spent thirty-six tolerably active hours.  The transport was 
overloaded, the men being packed like sardines, not only below but upon the decks; 
so that at night it was only possible to walk about by continually stepping over the 
bodies of the sleepers.  The travel rations which had been issued to the men for the 
voyage were not sufficient, because the meat was very bad indeed; and when a ration 
consists of only four or five items, which taken together just meet the requirements of a 
strong and healthy man, the .oss of one item is a serious thing.  If we had been given 
canned cornbeef we would have been all right, but instead of this the soldiers were 
issued horrible stuff called "canned fresh beef." There was no salt in it.  At the best it 
was stringy and tasteless; at the worst it was nauseating.  Not one-fourth of it was ever 
eaten at all, even when the men became very hungry. There were no facilities for the 
men to cook anything.  There was no ice for them; the water was not good; and they 
had no fresh meat or fresh vegetables.

	However, all these things seemed of small importance compared with the fact 
that we were really embarked, and were with the first expedition to leave our shores.  
But by next morning came the news that the order to sail had been countermanded, 
and that we were to stay where we were for the time being. What this meant none of 
us could understand.  It turned out later to be due to the blunder of a naval officer who 
mistook some of our vessels for Spaniards, and by his report caused consternation in 
Washington, until by vigorous scouting on the part of our other ships the illusion was 
dispelled.

	Meanwhile the troop-ships, packed tight with their living freight, sweltered in the 
burning heat of Tampa Harbor.  There was nothing whatever for the men to do, space 
being too cramped for amusement or for more drill than was implied in the manual of 
arms.  In this we drilled them assiduously, and we also continued to hold school for 
both the officers and the non-commissioned officers.  Each troop commander was 
regarded as responsible for his own non-commissioned officers, and Wood or myself 
simply dropped in to superintend, just as we did with the manual at arms. In the 
officers' school Captain Capron was the special instructor, and a most admirable one 
he was.

	The heat, the steaming discomfort, and the confinement, together with the forced 
inaction, were very irksome; but everyone made the best of it, and there was little or no 
grumbling even among the men.  All, from the highest to the lowest, were bent upon 
perfecting themselves according to their slender opportunities.  Every book of tactics in 
the regiment was in use from morning until night, and the officers and non-
commissioned officers were always studying the problems presented at the schools.  
About the only amusement was bathing over the side, in which we indulged both in the 
morning and evening. Many of the men from the Far West had never seen the ocean.  
One of them who knew how to swim was much interested in finding that the ocean 
water was not drinkable.  Another, who had never in his life before seen any water 
more extensive that the head-stream of the Rio Grande, met with an accident later in 
the voyage; that is, his hat blew away while we were in mid-ocean, and I heard him 
explaining the accident to a friend in the following words: "Oh-o-h, Jim!  Ma hat blew 
into the creek!" So we lay for nearly a week, the vessels swinging around on their 
anchor chains, while the hot water of the bay flowed to and fro around them and the 
sun burned overhead.

	At last, on the evening of June 13th, we received the welcome order to start.  
Ship after ship weighed anchor and went slowly ahead under half-steam for the distant 
mouth of the harbor, the bands playing, the flags flying, the rigging black with the 
clustered soldiers, cheering and shouting to those left behind on the quay and to their 
fellows on the other ships.  The channel was very tortuous; and we anchored before 
we had gone far down it, after coming within an ace of a bad collision with another 
transport.  The next morning we were all again under way, and in the afternoon the 
great fleet steamed southeast until Tampa Light sank in the distance. For the next six 
days we sailed steadily southward and eastward through the wonderful sapphire seas 
of the West Indies.  The thirty odd transports moved in long parallel lines, while ahead 
and behind and on their flanks the gray hulls of the war-ships surged through the blue 
water. We had every variety of craft to guard us, from the mighty battle-ship and swift 
cruiser to the converted yachts and the frail, venomous-looking torpgdo-boats.  The 
war-ships watched with ceaseless vigilance by day and night.  When a sail of any kind 
appeared, instantly one of our guardians steamed toward it.  Ordinarily, the torpedo-
boats were towed. Once a strange ship steamed up too close, and instantly the 
nearest torpedo-boat was slipped like a greyhound from the leash, and sped across 
the water toward it; but the stranger proved harmless, and the swift, delicate, death-
fraught craft returned again.

	It was very pleasant, sailing southward through the tropic seas tomard the 
unknown.  We knew not whither we were bound, nor what we were to do; but we 
believed that the nearing future held for us many chances of death and hardship, of 
honor and renown.  If we failed, we would share the fate of all who fail; but we were 
sure that we would win, that we should score the first great triumph in a mighty world-
movement.  At night we looked at the new stars, and hailed the Southern Cross when 
at last we raised it above the horizon.  In the daytime we drilled, and in the evening we 
held officers' school; but there was much time when we had little to do, save to scan 
the wonderful blue sea and watch the flying-fish.  Toward evening, when the officers 
clustered together on the forward bridge, the band of the Second Infantry played tune 
after tune, until on our quarter the glorious sun sunk in the red west, and, one by one, 
the lights blazed out on troop-ship and war-ship for miles ahead and astern, as they 
steamed onward through the brilliant tropic night.

	The men on the ship were young and strong, eager to face what lay hidden 
before them, eager for adventure where risk was the price of gain. Sometimes they 
talked of what they might do in the future, and wondered whether we were to attack 
Santiago or Porto Rico.  At other times, as they lounged in groups, they told stories of 
their past - stories of the mining camps and the cattle ranges, of hunting bear and 
deer, of war-trails against the Indians, of lawless deeds of violence and the lawful 
violence by which they were avenged, of brawls in saloons, of shrewd deals in cattle 
and sheep, of successful quest for the precious metals; stories of brutal wrong and 
brutal appetite, melancholy love-tales, and memories of nameless heroes - masters of 
men and tamers of horses.

	The officers, too, had many strange experiences to relate; none, not even 
Llewellen or O'Neill, had been through what was better worth telling, or could tell it 
better, than Capron.  He had spent years among the Apaches, the wildest and fiercest 
of tribes, and again and again had owed his lifl to his own cool judgment and 
extraordinary personal prowess.  He knew the sign language, familiar to all the Indians 
of the mountains and the plains; and it was curious to find that the signs for different 
animals, for water, for sleep and death, which he knew from holding intercourse with 
the tribes of the Southeast, were exactly like those which I had picked up on my 
occasional hunting or trading trips among the Sioux and Mandans of the North.  He 
was a great rifle shot and wolf hunter, and had many tales to tell of the deeds of gallant 
hounds and the feats of famous horses.  He had handled his Indian scouts and dealt 
with the "bronco" Indians, the renegades from the tribes, in circumstances of extreme 
peril; for he had seen the sullen, moody Apaches when they suddenly went crazy with 
wolfish blood-lust, and in their madness wished to kill whomever was nearest.  He 
knew, so far as white man could know, their ways of thought, and how to humor and 
divert them when on the brink of some dangerous outbreak.  Capron's training and 
temper fitted him to do great work in war; and he looked forward with eager confidence 
to what the future held, for he was sure that for him it held either triumph or death.  
Death was the prize he drew.

	Most of the men had simple souls.  They could relate facts, but they said very 
little about what they dimly felt.  Bucky O'Neill, however, the iron-nerved, iron-willed 
fighter from Arizona, the Sheriff whose name was a by-word of terror to every wrong-
doer, white or red, the gambler who with unmoved face would stake and lose every 
dollar he had in the world - he, alone among his comrades, was a visionary, an 
articulate emotionalist.  He was very quiet about it, never talking unless he was sure of 
his listener; but at night, when we leaned on the railing to look at the Southern Cross, 
he was less apt to tell tales of his hard and stormy past than he was to speak of the 
mysteries which lie behind courage, and fear, and love, behind animal hatred, and 
animal lust for the pleasures that have tangible shape. He had keenly enjoyed life, and 
he could breast its turbulent torrent as tew men could; he was a practical man, who 
knew how to wrest personal success from adverse forces, among money-makers, 
politicians, and desperadoes alike; yet, down at bottom, what seemed to interest him 
most was the philosophy of life itself, of our understanding of it, and of the limitations 
set to that understanding. But he was as far as possible from being a mere dreamer of 
dreams.  A stanchly loyal and generous friend, he was also exceedingly ambitious on 
his own account.  If, by risking his life, no matter how great the risk, he could gain high 
military distinction, he was bent on gaining it.  He had taken so many chances when 
death lay on the hazard, that he felt the odds were now against him; but, said he, "Who 
would not risk his life for a star?" Had he lived, and had the war lasted, he would surely 
have won the eagle, if not the star.

	We had a good deal of trouble with the transports, chiefly because they were not 
under the control of the navy.  One of them was towing a schooner, and another a 
scow; both, of course, kept lagging behind. Finally, when we had gone nearly the 
length of Cuba, the transport with the schooner sagged very far behind, and then our 
wretched transport was directed by General Shafter to fall out of line and keep her 
company.  Of course, we executed the order, greatly to the wrath of Captain Clover, 
who, in the gunboat Bancroft, had charge of the rear of the column - for we could be of 
no earthly use to the other transport, and by our presence simply added just so much 
to Captain Clover's anxiety, as he had two transports to protect instead of one.  Next 
morning the rest of the convoy were out of sight, but we reached them just as they 
finally turned.

	Until this we had steamed with the trade-wind blowing steadily in our faces; but 
once we were well to eastward of Cuba, we ran southwest with the wind behind on our 
quarter, and we all knew that our destination was Santiago. On the morning of the 20th 
we were close to the Cuban coast. High mountains rose almost from the water's edge, 
looking huge and barren across the sea.  We sped onward past Guantanamo Bay, 
where we saw the little picket-ships of the fleet; and in the afternoon we sighted 
Santiago Harbor, with the great war-ships standing off and on in front of it, gray and 
sullen in their war-paint.

	All next day we rolled and wallowed in the seaway, waiting until a decision was 
reached as to where we should land.  On the morning of June 22d the welcome order 
for landing came.

	We did the landing as we had done everything else - that is, in a scramble, each 
commander shifting for himself.  The port at which we landed was called Daiquiri, a 
squalid little village where there had been a railway and iron-works.  There were no 
facilities for landing, and the fleet did not have a quarter the number of boats it should 
have had for the purpose.  All we could do was to stand in with the transports as close 
as possible, and then row ashore in our own few boats and the boats of the war-ships.  
Luck favored our regiment.  My former naval aide, while I was Assistant Secretary of 
the Navy, Lieutenant Sharp, was in command of the Vixen, a converted yacht; and 
everything being managed on the go-as-you- please principle, he steamed by us and 
offered to help put us ashore.  Of course, we jumped at the chance.  Wood and I 
boarded the Vixen, and there we got Lieutenant Sharp's black Cuban pilot, who told us 
he could take our transport right in to within a few hundred yards of the land.  
Accordingly, we put him aboard; and in he brought her, gaining at least a mile and a 
half by the manoeuvre.  The other transports followed; but we had our berth, and were 
all right.

   See--The Landing At Daquiri: There was plenty of excitement to the landing.  In 
the first place, the smaller war-vessels shelled Daiquiri, so as to dislodge any 
Spaniards who might be lurking in the neighborhood, and also shelled other places 
along the coast, to keep the enemy puzzled as to our intentions.


   See--View of Daiquiri Landing: General view of the landing at Daiquiri - 
transports in the offing.


	There was plenty of excitement to the landing.  In the first place, the smaller war-
vessels shelled Daiquiri, so as to dislodge any Spaniards who might be lurking in the 
neighborhood, and also shelled other places along the coast, to keep the enemy 
puzzled as to our intentions.  Then the surf was high, and the landing difficult; so that 
the task of getting the men, the ammunition, and provisions ashore was not easy.  
Each man carried three days' field rations and a hundred rounds of ammunition.  Our 
regiment had accumulated two rapid-fire Colt automatic guns, the gift of Stevens, 
Kane, Tiffany, and one or two others of the New York men, and also a dynamite gun, 
under the immediate charge of Sergeant Borrowe.  To get these, and especially the 
last, ashore, involved no little work and hazard. Meanwhile, from another transport, our 
horses were being landed, together with the mules, by the simple process of throwing 
them overboard and letting them swim ashore, if they could.  Both of Wood's got safely 
through.  One of mine was drowned.  The other, little Texas, got ashore all right.  While 
I was superintending the landing at the ruined dock, with Bucky O'Neill, a boatful of 
colored infantry soldiers capsized, and two of the men went to the bottom; Bucky 
O'Neill plunging in, in full uniform, to save them, but in vain.

	However, by the late afternoon we had all our men, with what ammunition and 
provisions they could themselves carry, landed, and were ready for anything that might 
turn up.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter III: General Young's Fight At Las Guasimas
      
Part I

	Just before leaving Tampa we had been brigaded with the First (white) and Tenth 
(colored) Regular Cavalry under Brigadier-General S.B.M. Young. We were the 
Second Brigade, the First Brigade consisting of the Third and Sixth (white), and the 
Ninth (colored) Regular Cavalry under the Brigadier-General Sumner.  The two 
brigades of the cavalry division were under Major-General Joseph Wheeler, the gallant 
old Confederate cavalry commander.

   See--Helping a wounded Rough Rider to the rear after the Guasimas fight: 
There was not a single straggler among them, and in not one instance was an attempt 
made by any trooper to fall out in order to assist the wounded or carry back the dead, 
while so cool were they and so perfect their fire discipline, that in the entire 
engagement the expenditure of ammunition was not over ten rounds per man.


	General Young was - and is - as fine a type of the American fighting soldier as a 
man can hope to see.  He had been in command, as Colonel, of the Yellowstone 
National Park, and I had seen a good deal of him in connection therewith, as I was 
President of the Boone and Crockett Club, an organization devoted to hunting big 
game, to its preservation, and to forest preservation. During the preceding winter, 
while he was in Washington, he had lunched with me at the Metropolitan Club, Wood 
being one of the other guests.  Of course, we talked of the war, which all of us present 
believed to be impending, and Wood and I told him we were going to make every effort 
to get in, somehow; and he answered that we must be sure to get into his brigade, if 
he had one, and he would guarantee to show us fighting.  None of us forgot the 
conversation. As soon as our regiment was raised General Young applied for it to be 
put in his brigade.  We were put in; and he made his word good; for he fought and won 
the first fight on Cuban soil.

   See--Brigadier-General S.B.M. Young: General Young was - and is - as fine a 
type of the American fighting soldier as a man can hope to see.


	Yet, even though under him, we should not have been in this fight at all if we had 
not taken advantage of the chance to disembark among the first troops, and if it had 
not been for Wood's energy in pushing our regiment to the front.

	On landing we spent some active hours in marching our men a quarter of a mile 
or so inland, as boat-load by boat-load they disembarked.  Meanwhile one of the men, 
Knoblauch, a New Yorker, who was a great athlete and a champion swimmer, by 
diving in the surf off the dock, recovered most of the rifles which had been lost when 
the boat-load of colored cavalry capsized. The country would have offered very great 
difficulties to an attacking force had there been resistance.  It was little but a mass of 
rugged and precipitous hills, covered for the most part by dense jungle.  Five hundred 
resolute men could have prevented the disembarkation at very little cost to 
themselves. There had been about that number of Spaniards at Daiquiri that morning, 
but they had fled even before the ships began shelling.  In their place we found 
hundreds of Cuban insurgents, a crew of as utter tatterdemalions as human eyes ever 
looked on, armed with every kind of rifle in all stages of dilapidation. It was evident, at 
a glance, that they would be no use in serious fighting, but it was hoped that they 
might be of service in scouting.  From a variety of causes, however, they turned out to 
be nearly useless, even for this purpose, so far as the Santiago campaign was 
concerned.

	We were camped on a dusty, brush-covered flat, with jungle on one side, and on 
the other a shallow, fetid pool fringed with palm-trees.  Huge land-crabs scuttled noisily 
through the underbrush, exciting much interest among the men.  Camping ias a simple 
matter, as each man carried all he had, and the officers had nothing.  I took a light 
mackintosh and a tooth-brush. Fortunately, that night it did not rain; and from the palm-
leaves we built shelters from the sun.

	General Lawton, a tall, fine-looking man, had taken the advance.  A thorough 
soldier, he at once established outposts and pushed reconnoitring parties ahead on 
the trails.  He had as little baggage as the rest of us. Our own Brigade-Commander, 
General Young, had exactly the same impedimenta that I had, namely, a mackintosh 
and a tooth-brush.

	Next morning we were hard at work trying to get the stuff unloaded from the ship, 
and succeeded in getting most of it ashore, but were utterly unable to get 
transportation for anything but a very small quantity.  The great shortcoming 
throughout the campaign was the utterly inadequate transportation. If we had been 
allowed to take our mule-train, we could have kept the whole cavalry division supplied.

	In the afternoon word came to us to march.  General Wheeler, a regular game-
cock, was as anxious as Lawton to get first blood, and he was bent upon putting the 
cavalry division to the front as quickly as possible. Lawton's advance-guard was in 
touch with the Spaniards, and there had been a skirmish between the latter and some 
Cubans, who were repulsed.  General Wheeler made a reconnaissance in person, 
foun  out where the enemy was, and directed General Young to take our brigade and 
move forward so as to strike him next morning. He had the power to do this, as when 
General Shafter was afloat he had command ashore.

	I had succeeded in finding Texas, my surviving horse, much the worse for his 
fortnight on the transport and his experience in getting off, but still able to carry me.

	It was mid-afternoon and the topic sun was beating fiercely down when Colonel 
Wood started our regiment - the First and Tenth Cavalry and some of the infantry 
regiments having already marched.  Colonel Wood himself rode in advance, while I led 
my squadron, and Major Brodie followed with his. It was a hard march, the hilly jungle 
trail being so narrow that often we had to go in single file.  We marched fast, for Wood 
was bound to get us ahead of the other regiments, so as to be sure of our place in the 
body that struck the enemy next morning.  If it had not been for his energy in pushing 
forward, we should certainly have missed the fight.  As it was, we did not halt until we 
were at the extreme front.

	The men were not in very good shape for marching, and moreover they were 
really horsemen, the majority being cowboys who had never done much walking. The 
heat was intense and their burdens very heavy.  Yet there was very little straggling.  
Whenever we halted they instantly took off their packs and threw themselves on their 
backs.  Then at the word to start they would spring into place again.  The captains and 
lieutenants tramped along, encouraging the men by example and word.  A good part of 
the time I was by Captain Llewellen, and was greatly pleased to see the way in which 
he kept his men up to their work. He never pitied or coddled his troopers, but he 
always looked after them.  He helped them whenever he could, and took rather more 
than his full share of hardship and danger, so that his men naturally followed him with 
entire devotion.  Jack Greenway was under him as lieutenant, and to him the entire 
march was nothing but an enjoyable outing, the chance of fight on the morrow simply 
adding the needed spice of excitement.

	It was long after nightfall when we tramped through the darkness into the squalid 
coast hamlet of Siboney.  As usual when we made a night camp, we simply drew the 
men up in column of troops, and then let each man lie down where he was.  Black 
thunder-clouds were gathering.  Before they broke the fires were made and the men 
cooked their coffee and pork, some frying the hard-tack with the pork.  The officers, of 
course, fared just as the men did. Hardly had we finished eating when the rain came, a 
regular tropic downpour. We sat about, sheltering ourselves as best we could, for the 
hour or two it lasted; then the fires were relighted and we closed around them, the men 
taking off their wet things to dry them, so far as possible, by the blaze.

	Wood had gone off to see General Young, as General Wheeler had instructed 
General Young to hit the Spaniards, who were about four miles away, as soon after 
daybreak as possible.  Meanwhile I strolled over to Captain Capron's troop.  He and I, 
with his two lieutenants, Day and Thomas, stood around the fire, together with two or 
three non-commissioned officers and privates; among the latter were Sergeant 
Hamilton Fish and Trooper Elliot Cowdin, both of New York.  Cowdin, together with two 
other troopers, Harry Thorpe and Munro Ferguson, had been on my Oyster Bay Polo 
Team some years before.  Hamilton Fish had already shown himself one of the best 
non-commissioned officers we had.  A huge fellow, of enormous strength and 
endurance and dauntless courage, he took naturally to a soldier's life. He never 
complained and never shirked any duty of any kind, while his power over his men was 
great.  So good a sergeant had he made that Captain Capron, keen to get the best 
men under him, took him when he left Tampa - for Fish's troop remained behind.  As 
we stood around the flickering blaze that night I caught myself admiring the splendid 
bodily vigor of Capron and Fish - the captain and the sergeant.  Their frames seemed 
of steel, to withstand all fatigue; they were flushed with health; in their eyes shone high 
resolve and fiery desire.  Two finer types of the fighting man, two better 
representatives of the American soldier, there were not in the whole army.  Capron 
was going over his plans for the fight when we should meet the Spaniards on the 
morrow, Fish occasionally asking a question. They were both filled with eager longing 
to show their mettle, and both were rightly confident that if they lived they would win 
honorable renown and would rise high in their chosen profession.  Within twelve hours 
they both were dead.

	I had lain down when toward midnight Wood returned.  He had gone over the 
whole plan with General Young.  We were to start by sunrise toward Santiago, General 
Young taking four troops of the Tenth and four troops of the First up the road which led 
through the valley; while Colonel Wood was to lead our eight troops along a hill-trail to 
the left, which joined the valley road about four miles on, at a point where the road 
went over a spur of the mountain chain and from thence went down hill toward 
Santiago.  The Spaniards had their lines at the junction of the road and the trail.

	Before describing our part in the fight, it is necessary to say a word about 
General Young's share, for, of course, the whole fight was under his direction, and the 
fight on the right wing under his immediate supervision. General Young had obtained 
from General Castillo, the commander of the Cuban forces, a full description of the 
country in front.  General Castillo promised Young the aid of eight hundred Cubans, if 
he made a reconnaissance in force to find out exactly what the Spanish strength was.  
This promised Cuban aid did not, however, materialize, the Cubans, who had been 
beaten back by the Spaniards the day before, not appearing on the firing-line until the 
fight was over.

	General Young had in his immediate command a squadron of the First Regular 
Cavalry, two hundred and forty-four strong, under the command of Major Bell, and a 
squadron of the Tenth Regular Cavalry, two hundred and twenty strong, under the 
command of Major Norvell.  He also had two Hotchkiss mountain guns, under Captain 
Watson of the Tenth.  He started at a quarter before six in the morning, accompanied 
by Captain A. L. Mills, as aide.  It was at half-past seven that Captain Mills, with a 
patrol of two men in advance, discovered the Spaniards as they lay across where the 
two roads came together, some of them in pits, others simply lying in the heavy jungle, 
while on their extreme right they occupied a big ranch.  Where General Young struck 
them they held a high ridge a little to the left of his front, this ridge being separated by 
a deep ravine from the hill-trail still farther to the left, down which the Rough Riders 
were advancing. That is, their forces occupi d a range of high hills in the form of an 
obtuse angle, the salient being toward the space between the American forces, while 
there were advance parties along both roads.  There were stone breastworks flanked 
by block-houses on that part of the ridge where the two trails came together. The place 
was called Las Guasimas, from trees of that name in the neighborhood.

	General Young, who was riding a mule, carefully examined the Spanish position 
in person.  He ordered the canteens of the troops to be filled, placed the Hotchkiss 
battery in concealment about nine hundred yards from the Spanish lines, and then 
deployed the white regulars, with the colored regulars in support, having sent a Cuban 
guide to try to find Colonel Wood and warn him.  He did not attack immediately, 
because he knew that Colonel Wood, having a more difficult route, would require a 
longer time to reach the position. During the delay General Wheeler arrived; he had 
been up since long before dawn, to see that everything went well.  Young informed 
him of the dispositions and plan of attack he made.  General Wheeler approved of 
them, and with excellent judgment left General Young a free hand to fight his battle.

   See--General Wheeler's Headquarters: A consultation at General Wheeler's 
headquarters.


	So, about eight o'clock Young began the fight with his Hotchkiss guns, he himself 
being up on the firing-line.  No sooner had the Hotchkiss one-pounders opened than 
the Spaniards opened fire in return, most of the time firing by volleys executed in 
perfect time, almost as on parade.  They had a couple of light guns, which our people 
thought were quick firers.  The denseness of the jungle and the fact that they used 
absolutely smokeless powder, made it exceedingly difficult to place exactly where they 
were, and almost immediately Young, who always liked to get as close as possible to 
his enemy, began to push his troops forward.  They were deployed on both sides of 
the road in such thick jungle that it was only here and there that they could possibly 
see ahead, and some confusion, of course, ensued, the support gradually getting 
mixed with the advance.  Captain Beck took A Troop of the Tenth in on the left, next 
Captain Galbraith's troop of the First; two other troops of the Tenth were on the 
extreme right.  Through the jungle ran wire fences here and there, and as the troops 
got to the ridge they encountered precipitous heights.  They were led most gallantly, as 
American regular officers always lead their men; and the men followed their leaders 
with the splendid courage always shown by the American regular soldier.  There was 
not a single straggler among them, and in not one instance was an attempt made by 
any trooper to fall out in order to assist the wounded or carry back the dead, while so 
cool were they and so perfect their fire discipline, that in the entire engagement the 
expenditure of ammunition was not over ten rounds per man.  Major Bell, who 
commanded the squadron, had his leg broken by a shot as he was leading his men.  
Captain Wainwright succeeded to the command of the squadron.  Captain Knox was 
shot in the abdomen.  He continued for some time giving orders to his troops, and 
refused to allow a man in the firing-line to assist him to the rear.  His First Lieutenant, 
Byram, was himself shot, but continued to lead his men until the wound and the heat 
overcame him and he fell in a faint.  The advance was pushed forward under General 
Young's eye with the utmost energy, until the enemy's voices could be heard in the 
entrenchments.  The Spaniards kept up a very heavy firing, but the regulars would not 
b, denied, and as they climbed the ridges the Spaniards broke and fled.

	Meanwhile, at six o'clock, the Rough Riders began their advance.  We first had to 
climb a very steep hill.  Mans of the men, foot-sore and weary from their march of the 
preceding day, found the pace up this hill too hard, and either dropped their bundles or 
fell out of line, with the result that we went into action with less than five hundred men - 
as, in addition to the stragglers, a detachment had been left to guard the baggage on 
shore.  At the time I was rather inclined to grumble to myself about Wood setting so 
fast a pace, but when the fight began I realized that it had been absolutely necessary, 
as otherwise we should have arrived late and the regulars would have had very hard 
work indeed.

	Tiffany, by great exertions, had corralled a couple of mules and was using them 
to transport the Colt automatic guns in the rear of the regiment. The dynamite gun was 
not with us, as mules for it could not be obtained in time.

	Captain Capron's troop was in the lead, it being chosen for the most responsible 
and dangerous position because of Capron's capacity.  Four men, headed by Sergeant 
Hamilton Fish, went first; a support of twenty men followed some distance behind; and 
then came Capron and the rest of his troop, followed by Wood, with whom General 
Young had sent Lieutenants Smedburg and Rivers as aides.  I rode close behind, at 
the head of the other three troops of my squadron, and then came Brodie at the head 
of his squadron.  The trail was so narrow that for the most part the men marched in 
single file, and it was bordered by dense, tangled jungle, through which a man could 
with difficulty force his way; so that to put out flankers was impossible, for they could 
not possibly have kept up with the march of the column.  Every man had his canteen 
full.  There was a Cuban guide at the head of the column, but he ran away as soon as 
the fighting began.  There were also with us, at the head of the column, two men who 
did not run away, who, though non-combatants - newspaper correspondents - showed 
as much gallantry as any soldier in the field.  They were Edward Marshall and Richard 
Harding Davis.

	After reaching the top of the hill the walk was very pleasant.  Now and then we 
came to glades or rounded hill-shoulders, whence we could look off for some distance.  
The tropical forest was very beautiful, and it was a delight to see the strange trees, the 
splendid royal palms and a tree which looked like a flat-topped acacia, and which was 
covered with a mass of brilliant scarlet flowers.  We heard many bird-notes, too, the 
cooing of doves and the call of a great brush cuckoo.  Afterward we found that the 
Spanish guerillas imitated these bird-calls, but the sounds we heard that morning, as 
we advanced through the tropic forest, were from birds, not guerillas, until we came 
right up to the Spanish lines.  It was very beautiful and very peaceful, and it seemed 
more as if we were off on some hunting excursion than as if we were about to go into a 
sharp and bloody little fight.

	Of course, we accommodated our movements to those of the men in front. After 
marching for somewhat over an hour, we suddenly came to a halt, and immediately 
afterward Colonel Wood sent word down the line that the advance guard had come 
upon a Spanish outpost.  Then the order was passed to fill the magazines, which was 
done.

	The men were totally unconcerned, and I do not think they realized that any 
fighting was at hand; at any rate, I could hear the group nearest me discussing in low 
murmurs, not the Spaniards, but the conduct of a certain cow-puncher in quitting work 
on a ranch and starting a saloon in some New Mexican town.  In another minute, 
however, Wood sent me orders to deploy three troops to the right of the trail, and to 
advance when we became engaged; while, at the same time, the other troops, under 
Major Brodie, were deployed to the left of the trail where the ground was more open 
than elsewhere - one troop being held in reserve in the centre, besides the reserves on 
each wing. Later all the reserves were put into the firing-line.

	To the right the jungle was quite thick, and we had barely begun to deploy when 
a crash in front announced that the fight was on.  It was evidently very hot, and L 
Troop had its hands full; so I hurried my men up abreast of them.  So thick was the 
jungle that it was very difficult to keep together, especially when there was no time for 
delay, and while I got up Llewellen's troops and Kane's platoon of K Troop, the rest of 
K Troop under Captain Jenkins which, with Bucky O'Neill's troop, made up the right 
wing, were behind, and it was some time before they got into the fight at all.

	Meanwhile I had gone forward with Llewellen, Greenway, Kane and their 
troopers until we came out on a kind of shoulder, jutting over a ravine, which separated 
us from a great ridge on our right.  It was on this ridge that the Spaniards had some of 
their intrenchments, and it was just beyond this ridge that the Valley Road led, up 
which the regulars were at that very time pushing their attack; but, of course, at the 
moment we knew nothing of this.  The effect of the smokeless powder was 
remarkable.  The air seemed full of the rustling sound of the Mauser bullets, for the 
Spaniards knew the trails by which we were advancing, and opened heavily on our 
position.  Moreover, as we advanced we were, of course, exposed, and they could see 
us andafire.  But they themselves were entirely invisible. The jungle covered 
everything, and not the faintest trace of smoke was to be seen in any direction to 
indicate from whence the bullets came.  It was some time before the men fired; 
Llewellen, Kane, and I anxiously studying the ground to see where our opponents 
were, and utterly unable to find out.

	We could hear the faint reports of the Hotchkiss guns and the reply of two 
Spanish guns, and the Mauser bullets were singing through the trees over our heads, 
making a noise like the humming of telephone wires; but exactly where they came 
from we could not tell.  The Spaniards were firing high and for the most part by volleys, 
and their shooting was not very good, which perhaps was not to be wondered at, as 
they were a long way off. Gradually, however, they began to get the range and 
occasionally one of our men would crumple up.  In no case did the man make any 
outcry when hit, seeming to take it as a matter of course; at the outside, making only 
such a remark as, "Well, I got it that time." With hardly an exception, there was no sign 
of flinching. I say with hardly an exception, for though I personally did not see an 
instance, and though all the men at the front behaved excellently, yet there were a 
very few men who lagged behind and drifted back to the trail over which we had come.  
The character of the fight put a premium upon such conduct, and afforded a very 
severe test for raw troops; because the jungle was so dense that as we advanced in 
open order, every man was, from time to time, left almost alone and away from the 
eyes of his officers.  There was unlimited opportunity for dropping out without attracting 
notice, while it was peculiarly hard to be exposed to the fire of an unseen foe, and to 
see men dropping under it, and yet to be, for some time, unable to return it, and also to 
be entirely ignorant of what was going on in any other part of the field.

	It was Richard Harding Davis who gave us our first opportunity to shoot back with 
effect.  He was behaving precisely like my officers, being on the extreme front of the 
line, and taking every opportunity to study with his glasses the ground where we 
thought the Spaniards were.  I had tried some volley firing at points where I rather 
doubtfully believed the Spaniards to be, but had stopped firing and was myself 
studying the jungle-covered mountain ahead with my glasses, when Davis suddenly 
said: "There they are, Colonel; look over there; I can see their hats near that glade," 
pointing across the valley to our right.  In a minute I, too, made out the hats, and then 
pointed them out to three or four of our best shots, giving them my estimate of the 
range.  For a minute or two no result followed, and I kept raising the range, at the 
same time getting more men on the firing-line. Then, evidently, the shots told, for the 
Spaniards suddenly sprang out of the cover through which we had seen their hats, and 
ran to another spot; and we could now make out a large number of them.

	I accordingly got all of my men up in line and began quick firing.  In a very few 
minutes our bullets began to do damage, for the Spaniards retreated to the left into the 
jungle, and we lost sight of them.  At the same moment a big body of men who, it 
afterward turned out, were Spaniards, came in sight along the glade, following the 
retreat of those whom we had just driven from the trenches.  We supposed that there 
was a large force of Cubans with General Young, not being aware that these Cubans 
had failed to make their appearance, and as it was impossible to tell the Cubans from 
the Spaniards, and as we could not decide whether these were Cubans following the 
Spaniards we had put to flight, or merely another troop of Spaniards retreating after 
the first (which was really the case) we dared not fire, and in a minute they had passed 
the glade and were out of sight.




ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter III: General Young's Fight At Las Guasimas
      
Part II

	At every halt we took advantage of the cover, sinking down behind any mound, 
bush, or tree-trunk in the neighborhood.  The trees, of course, furnished no protection 
from the Mauser bullets.  Once I was standing behind a large palm with my head out to 
one side, very fortunately; for a bullet passed through the palm, filling my left eye and 
ear with the dust and splinters.

	No man was allowed to drop out to help the wounded.  It was hard to leave them 
there in the jungle, where they might not be found again until the vultures and the land-
crabs came, but war is a grim game and there was no choice.  One of the men shot 
was Harry Heffner of G Troop, who was mortally wounded through the hips.  He fell 
without uttering a sound, and two of his companions dragged him behind a tree.  Here 
he propped himself up and asked to be given his canteen and his rifle, which I handed 
to him. He then again began shooting, and continued loading and firing until the line 
moved forward and we left him alone, dying in the gloomy shade.  When we found him 
again, after the fight, he was dead.

	At one time, as I was out of touch with that part of my wing commanded by 
Jenkins and O'Neill, I sent Greenway, with Sergeant Russell, a New Yorker, and 
trooper Rowland, a New Mexican cow-puncher, down in the valley to find out where 
they were.  To do this the three had to expose themselves to a very severe fire, but 
they were not men to whom this mattered. Russell was killed; the other two returned 
and reported to me the position of Jenkins and O'Neill. They then resumed their places 
on the firing-line. After awhile I noticed blood coming out of Rowland's side and 
discovered that he had been shot, although he did not seem to be taking any notice of 
it.  He said the wound was only slight, but as I saw he had broken a rib, I told him to go 
to the rear to the hospital.  After some grumbling he went, but fifteen minutes later he 
was back on the firing-line again and said he could not find the hospital - which I 
doubted.  However, I then let him stay until the end of the fight.

	After we had driven the Spaniards off from their position to our right, the firing 
seemed to die away so far as we were concerned, for the bullets no longer struck 
around us in such a storm as before, though along the rest of the line the battle was as 
brisk as ever.  Soon we saw troops appearing across the ravine, not very far from 
where we had seen the Spaniards whom we had thought might be Cubans.  Again we 
dared not fire, and carefully studied the new-comers with our glasses; and this time we 
were right, for we recognized our own cavalry-men.  We were by no means sure that 
they recognized us, however, and were anxious that they should, but it was very 
difficult to find a clear spot in the jungle from which to signal; so Sergeant Lee of Troop 
K climbed a tree and from its summit waved the troop guidon.  They waved their 
guidon back, and as our right wing was now in touch with the regulars, I left Jenkins 
and O'Neill to keep the connection, and led Llewellen's troop back to the path to join 
the rest of the regiment, which was evidently still in the thick of the fight.  I was still 
very much in the dark as to where the main body of the Spanish forces were, or 
exactly what lines the battle was following, and was very uncertain what I ought to do; 
but I knew it could not be wrong to go forward, and I thought I would find Wood and 
then see what he wished me to do.  I was in a mood to cordially welcome guidance, for 
it was most bewildering to fight an enemy whom one so rarely saw.

	I had not seen Wood since the beginning of the skirmish, when he hurried 
forward.  When the firing opened some of the men began to curse. "Don't swear - 
shoot!" growled Wood, as he strode along the path leading his horse, and everyone 
laughed and became cool again.  The Spanish outposts were very near our advance 
guard, and some minutes of the hottest kind of firing followed before they were driven 
back and slipped off through the jungle to their main lines in the rear.

	Here, at the very outset of our active service, we suffered the loss of two as 
gallant men as ever wore uniform.  Sergeant Hamilton Fish at the extreme front, while 
holding the point up to its work and firing back where the Spanish advance guards lay, 
was shot and instantly killed; three of the men with him were likewise hit.  Captain 
Capron, leading the advance guard in person, and displaying equal courage and 
coolness in the way that he handled them, was also struck, and died a few minutes 
afterward.  The command of the troop then devolved upon the First Lieutenant, young 
Thomas. Like Capron, Thomas was the fifth in line from father to son who had served 
in the American army, though in his case it was in the volunteer and not the regular 
service; the four preceding generations had furnished soldiers respectively to the 
Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, and the Civil War.  In a few 
minutes Thomas was shot through the leg, and the command devolved upon the 
Second Lieutenant, Day (a nephew of "Albemarle" Cushing, he who sunk the great 
Confederate ram).  Day, who proved himself to be one of our most efficient officers, 
continued to handle the men to the best possible advantage, and brought them 
steadily forward.  L Troop was from the Indian Territory.  The whites, Indians, and half-
breeds in it, all fought with equal courage. Captain McClintock was hurried forward to 
its relief with his Troop B of Arizona men.  In a few minutes he was shot through the 
leg and his place was taken by his First Lieutenant, Wilcox, who handled his men in 
the same soldierly manner that Day did.

	Among the men who showed marked courage and coolness was the tall color-
sergeant, Wright; the colors were shot through three times.

   See--Color-Sergeant A.P. Wright: Among the men who showed marked 
courage and coolness was the tall color-sergeant, Wright; the colors were shot through 
three times.


	When I had led G Troop back to the trail I ran ahead of them, passing the dead 
and wounded men of L Troop, passing young Fish as he lay with glazed eyes under 
the rank tropic growth to one side of the trail.  When I came to the front I found the 
men spread out in a very thin skirmish line, advancing through comparatively open 
ground, each man taking advantage of what cover he could, while Wood strolled about 
leading his horse, Brodie being close at hand.  How Wood escaped being hit, I do not 
see, and still less how his horse escaped.  I had left mine at the beginning of the 
action, and was only regretting that I had not left my sword with it, as it kept getting 
between my legs when I was tearing my way through the jungle. I never wore it again 
in action.  Lieutenant Rivers was with Wood, also leading his horse.  Smedburg had 
been sent off on the by no means pleasant task of establishing communications with 
Young.

	Very soon after I reached the front, Brodie was hit, the bullet shattering one arm 
and whirling him around as he stood.  He had kept on the extreme front all through, his 
presence and example keeping his men entirely steady, and he at first refused to go to 
the rear; but the wound was very painful, and he became so faint that he had to be 
sent. Thereupon, Wood directed me to take charge of the left wing in Brodie's place, 
and to bring it forward; so over I went.

	I now had under me Captains Luna, Muller, and Houston, and I began to take 
them forward, well spread out, through the high grass of a rather open forest.  I noticed 
Goodrich, of Houston's troop, tramping along behind his men, absorbed in making 
them keep at good intervals from one another and fire slowly with careful aim.  As I 
came close up to the edge of the troop, he caught a glimpse of me, mistook me for one 
of his own skirmishers who was crowding in too closely, and called out, "Keep your 
interval, sir; keep your interval, sir; and go forward."

	A perfect hail of bullets was sweeping over us as we advanced.  Once I got a 
glimpse of some Spaniards, apparently retreating, far in the front, and to our right, and 
we fired a couple of rounds after them.  Then I became convinced, after much anxious 
study, that we were being fired at from some large red-tiled buildings, part of a ranch 
on our front. Smokeless powder, and the thick cover in our front, continued to puzzle 
us, and I more than once consulted anxiously the officers as to the exact whereabouts 
of our opponents. I took a rifle from a wounded man and began to try shots with it 
myself.  It was very hot and the men were getting exhausted, though at this particular 
time we were not suffering heavily from bullets, the Spanish fire going high. As we 
advanced, the cover became a little thicker and I lost touch of the main body under 
Wood; so I halted and we fired industriously at the ranch buildings ahead of us, some 
five hundred yards off.  Then we heard cheering on the right, and I supposed that this 
meant a charge on the part of Wood's men, so I sprang up and ordered the men to 
rush the buildings ahead of us.  They came forward with a will.  There was a moment's 
heavy firing from the Spaniards, which all went over our heads, and then it ceased 
entirely.  When we arrived at the buildings, panting and out of breath, they contained 
nothing but heaps of empty cartridge-shells and two dead Spaniards, shot through the 
head.

	The country all around us was thickly forested, so that it was very difficult to see 
any distance in any direction.  The firing had now died out, but I was still entirely 
uncertain as to exactly what had happened.  I did not know whether the enemy had 
been driven back or whether it was merely a lull in the fight, and we might be attacked 
again; nor did I know what had happened in any other part of the line, while as I 
occupied the extreme left, I was not sure whether or not my flank was in danger.  At 
this moment one of our men who had dropped out, arrived with the information 
(fortunately false) that Wood was dead.  Of course, this meant that the command 
devolved upon me, and I hastily set about taking charge of the regiment.  I had been 
particularly struck by the coolness and courage shown by Sergeants Dame and 
McIlhenny, and sent them out with small pickets to keep watch in front and to the left of 
the left wing.  I sent other men to fill the canteens with water, and threw the rest out in 
a long line in a disused sunken road, which gave them cover, putting two or three 
wounded men, who had hitherto kept up with the fighting-line, and a dozen men who 
were suffering from heat exhaustion - for the fighting and running under that blazing 
sun through the thick dry jungle was heart-breaking - into the ranch buildings.  Then I 
started over toward the main body, but to my delight encountered Wood himself, who 
told me the fight was over and the Spaniards had retreated.  He also informed me that 
other troops were just coming up.  The first to appear was a squadron of the Ninth 
Cavalry, under Major Dimick, which had hurried up to get into the fight, and was 
greatly disappointed to find it over.  They took post in front of our lines, so that our tired 
men were able to get a rest, Captain McBlain, of the Ninth, good-naturedly giving us 
some points as to the best way to station our outposts.  Then General Chaffee, rather 
glum at not having been in the fight himself, rode up at the head of some of his infantry 
, and I marched my squadron back to where the rest of the regiment was going into 
camp, just where the two trails came together, and beyond - that is, on the Santiago 
side of - the original Spanish lines.

	The Rough Riders had lost eight men killed and thirty-four wounded, aside from 
two or three who were merely scratched and whose wounds were not reported.  The 
First Cavalry, white, lost seven men killed and eight wounded; the Tenth Cavalry, 
colored, one man killed and ten wounded; so, out of 964 men engaged on our side, 16 
were killed and 52 wounded.  The Spaniards were under General Rubin, with, as 
second in command, Colonel Alcarez.  They had two guns, and eleven companies of 
about a hundred men each: three belonging to the Porto Rico regiment, three to the 
San Fernandino, two to the Talavero, two being so-called mobilized companies from 
the mineral districts, and one a company of engineers; over twelve hundred men in all, 
together with two guns. ^*

	[Footnote *: See Lieutenant Muller y Tejeiro, "Combates y Capitulacion de 
Santiago de Cuba," page 136.  The Lieutenant speaks as if only one echelon, of seven 
companies and two guns, was engaged on the 24th.  The official report says distinctly, 
"General Rubin's column," which consisted of the companies detailed above.  By 
turning to page 146, where Lieutenant Tejeiro enumerates the strength of the various 
companies, it will be seen that they averaged over 110 men apiece; this probably does 
not include officers, and is probably an under-statement anyhow.  On page 261 he 
makes the Spanish loss at Las Guasimas, which he calls Sevilla, 9 killed and 27 
wounded. Very possibly he includes only the Spanish regulars; two of the Spaniards 
we slew, over on the left, were in brown, instead of the light blue of the regulars, and 
were doubtless guerillas.]

	General Rubin reported that he had repulsed the American attack, and 
Lieutenant Tejeiro states in his book that General Rubin forced the Americans to 
retreat, and enumerates the attacking force as consisting of three regular regiments of 
infantry, the Second Massachusetts and the Seventy-first New York (not one of which 
fired a gun or were anywhere near the battle), in addition to the sixteen dismounted 
troops of cavalry.  In other words, as the five infantry regiments each included twelve 
companies, he makes the attacking force consist of just five times the actual amount. 
As for the "repulse," our line never went back ten yards in any place, and the advance 
was practically steady; while an hour and a half after the fight began we were in 
complete possession of the entire Spanish position, and their troops were fleeing in 
masses down the road, our men being too exhausted to follow them.

	General Rubin also reports that he lost but seven men killed.  This is certainly 
incorrect, for Captain O'Neill and I went over the ground very carefully and counted 
eleven dead Spaniards, all of whom were actually buried by our burying squads.  
There were probably two or three men whom we missed, but I think that our official 
reports are incorrect in stating that forty-two dead Spaniards were found; this being 
based upon reports in which I think some of the Spanish dead were counted two or 
three times.  Indeed, I should doubt whether their loss was as heavy as ours, for they 
were under cover, while we advanced, often in the open, and their main lines fled long 
before we could get to close quarters.  It was a very difficult country, and a force of 
good soldiers resolutely handled could have held the pass with ease against two or 
three times their number.  As it was, with a force half of regulars and half of volunteers, 
we drove out a superior number of Spanish regular troops, strongly posted, without 
suffering a very heavy loss.  Although the Spanish fire was very heavy, it does not 
seem to me it was very well directed; and though they fired with great spirit while we 
merely stood at a distance and fired at them, they did not show much resolution, and 
when we advanced, always went back long before there was any chance of our 
coming into contact with them.  Our men behaved very well indeed - white regulars, 
colored regulars, and Rough Riders alike.  The newspaper press failed to do full justice 
to the white regulars, in my opinion, from the simple reason that everybody knew that 
they would fight, whereas there had been a good deal of question as to how the Rough 
Riders, who were volunteer troops, and the Tenth Cavalry, who were colored, would 
behave; so there was a tendency to exalt our deeds at the expense of those of the 
First Regulars, whose courage and good conduct were taken for granted.  It was a 
trying fight beyond what the losses show, for it is hard upon raw soldiers to be pitted 
against an unseen foe, and to advance steadily when their comrades are falling 
around them, and when they can only occasionally see a chance to retaliate.  Wood's 
experience in fighting Apaches stood him in good stead.  An entirely raw man at the 
head of the regiment, conducting, as Wood was, what was practically an independent 
fight, would have been in a very trying position.  The fight cleared the way toward 
Santiago, and we experienced no further resistance.

	That afternoon we made camp and dined, subsisting chiefly on a load of beans 
which we found on one of the Spanish mules which had been shot.  We also looked 
after the wounded.  Dr. Church had himself gone out to the firing-line during the fight, 
and carried to the rear some of the worst wounded on his back or in his arms.  Those 
who could walk had walked in to where the little field-hospital of the regiment was 
established on the trail.  We found all our dead and all the badly wounded.  Around 
one of the latter the big, hideous land-crabs had gathered in a grewsome ring, waiting 
for life to be extinct. One of our own men and most of the Spanish dead had been 
found by the vultures before we got to them; and their bodies were mangled, the eyes 
and wounds being torn.

	The Rough Rider who had been thus treated was in Bucky O'Neill's troop; and as 
we looked at the body, O'Neill turned to me and asked, "Colonel, isn't it Whitman who 
says of the vultures that 'they pluck the eyes of princes and tear the flesh of kings'?" I 
answered that I could not place the quotation. Just a week afterward we were shielding 
his own body from the birds of prey.

	One of the men who fired first, and who displayed conspicuous gallantry was a 
Cherokee half-breed, who was hit seven times, and of course had to go back to the 
States.  Before he rejoined us at Montauk Point he had gone through a little private 
war of his own; for on his return he found that a cow-boy had gone off with his 
sweetheart, and in the fight that ensued he shot his rival.  Another man of L Troop who 
also showed marked gallantry was Elliot Cowdin.  The men of the plains and 
mountains were trained by life-long habit to look on life and death with iron philosophy.  
As I passed by a couple of tall, lank, Oklahoma cow-punchers, I heard one say, "Well, 
some of the boys got it in the neck!" to which the other answered with the grim plains 
proverb of the South: "Many a good horse dies."

	Thomas Isbell, a half-breed Cherokee in the squad under Hamilton Fish, was 
among the first to shoot and be shot at.  He was wounded no less than seven times.  
The first wound was received by him two minutes after he had fired his first shot, the 
bullet going through his neck.  The second hit him in the left thumb.  The third struck 
near his right hip, passing entirely through the body.  The fourth bullet (which was 
apparently from a Remington and not from a Mauser) went into his neck and lodged 
against the bone, being afterward cut out.  The fifth bullet again hit his left hand. The 
sixth scraped his head and the seventh his neck.  He did not receive all of the wounds 
at the same time, over half an hour elapsing between the first and the last.  Up to 
receiving the last wound he had declined to leave the firing-line, but by that time he 
had lost so much blood that he had to be sent to the rear.  The man's wiry tough ess 
was as notable as his courage.

	We improvised litters, and carried the more sorely wounded back to Siboney that 
afternoon and the next morning; the others walked.  One of the men who had been 
most severely wounded was Edward Marshall, the correspondent, and he showed as 
much heroism as any soldier in the whole army.  He was shot through the spine, a 
terrible and very painful wound, which we supposed meant that he would surely die; 
but he made no complaint of any kind, and while he retained consciousness persisted 
in dictating the story of the fight.  A very touching incident happened in the improvised 
open-air hospital after the fight, where the wounded were lying.  They did not groan, 
and made no complaint, trying to help one another.  One of them suddenly began to 
hum, "My Country 'tis of Thee," and one by one the others joined in the chorus, which 
swelled out through the tropic woods, where the victors lay in camp beside their dead.  
I did not see any sign among the fighting men, whether wounded or unwounded, of the 
very complicated emotions assigned to their kind by some of the realistic modern 
novelists who have written about battles.  At the front everyone behaved quite simply 
and took things as they came, in a matter-of-course way; but there was doubtless, as 
is always the case, a good deal of panic and confusion in the rear where the wounded, 
the stragglers, a few of the packers, and two or three newspaper correspondents were, 
and in consequence the first reports sent back to the coast were of a most alarming 
character, describing, with minute inaccuracy, how we had run into an ambush, etc.  
The packers with the mules which carried the rapid-fire guns were among those who 
ran, and they let the mules go in the jungle; in consequence the guns were never even 
brought to the firing-line, and only Fred Herrig's skill as a trailer enabled us to recover 
them.  By patient work he followed up the mules' tracks in the forest until he found the 
animals.

	Among the wounded who walked to the temporary hospital at Siboney was the 
trooper, Rowland, of whom I spoke before.  There the doctors examined him, and 
decreed that his wound was so serious that he must go back to the States. This was 
enough for Rowland, who waited until nightfall and then escaped, slipping sut of the 
window and making his way back to camp with his rifle and pack, though his wound 
must have made all movement very painful to him.  After this, we felt that he was 
entitled to stay, and he never left us for a day, distinguishing himself again in the fight 
at San Juan.

	Next morning we buried seven dead Rough Riders in a grave on the summit of 
the trail, Chaplain Brown reading the solemn burial service of the Episcopalians, while 
the men stood around with bared heads and joined in singing, "Rock of Ages." Vast 
numbers of vultures were wheeling round and round in great circles through the blue 
sky overhead.  There could be no more honorable burial than that of these men in a 
common grave - Indian and cow-boy, miner, packer, and college athlete - the man of 
unknown ancestry from the lonely Western plains, and the man who carried on his 
watch the crests of the Stuyvesants and the Fishes, one in the way they had met 
death, just as during life they had been one in their daring and their loyalty.

   See--Burial Ground: The spot where the seven Rough Riders were buried after 
the first day's fight at Las Guasimas.


	On the afternoon of the 25th we moved on a couple of miles, and camped in a 
marshy open spot close to a beautiful stream.  Here we lay for several days. Captain 
Lee, the British attache, spent some time with us; we had begun to regard him as 
almost a member of the regiment.  Count von Gotzen, the German attache, another 
good fellow, also visited us.  General Young was struck down with the fever, and 
Wood took charge of the brigade.  This left me in command of the regiment, of which I 
was very glad, for such experience as we had had is a quick teacher.  By this time the 
men and I knew one another, and I felt able to make them do themselves justice in 
march or battle.  They understood that I paid no heed to where they came from; no 
heed to their creed, politics, or social standing; that I would care for them to the utmost 
of my power, but that I demanded the highest performance of duty; while in return I 
had seen them tested, and knew I could depend absolutely on their courage, 
hardihood, obedience, and individual initiative.

   See--Rough Riders Camp: Camp of the Rough Riders after the Guasimas fight.


	There was nothing like enough transportation with the army, whether in the way 
of wagons or mule-trains; exactly as there had been no sufficient number of landing-
boats with the transports.  The officers' baggage had come up, but none of us had 
much, and the shelter-tents proved only a partial protection against the terrific 
downpours of rain.  These occurred almost every afternoon, and turned the camp into 
a tarn, and the trails into torrents and quagmires.  We were not given quite the proper 
amount of food, and what we did get, like most of the clothing issued us, was fitter for 
the Klondyke than for Cuba.  We got enough salt port and hardtack for the men, but 
not the full ration of coffee and sugar, and nothing else.  I organized a couple of 
expeditions back to the seacoast, taking the strongest and best walkers and also some 
of the officers' horses and a stray mule or two, and brought back beans and canned 
tomatoes.  These I got partly by great exertions on my part, and partly by the aid of 
Colonel Weston of the Commissary Department, a particularly energetic man whose 
services were of great value.  A silly regulation forbade my purchasing canned 
vegetables, etc., except for the officers; and I had no little difficulty in getting round this 
regulation, and purchasing (with my own money, of course) what I needed for the men.

	One of the men I took with me on one of these trips was Sherman Bell, the 
former Deputy Marshal of Cripple Creek, and Wells-Fargo Express rider. In coming 
home with his load, through a blinding storm, he slipped and opened the old rupture.  
The agony was very great and one of his comrades took his load. He himself, 
sometimes walking, and sometimes crawling, got back to camp, where Dr. Church 
fixed him up with a spike bandage, but informed him that he would have to be sent 
back to the States when an ambulance came along.  The ambulance did not come 
until the next day, which was the day before we marched to San Juan.  It arrived after 
nightfall, and as soon as Bell heard it coming, he crawled out of the hospital tent into 
the jungle, where he lay all night; and the ambulance went off without him. The men 
shielded him just as school-boys would shield a companion, carrying his gun, belt, and 
bedding; while Bell kept out of sight until the column started, and then staggered along 
behind it.  I found him the morning of the San Juan fight.  He told me that he wanted to 
die fighting, if die he must, and I hadn't the heart to send him back.  He did splendid 
service that day, and afterward in the trenches, and though the rupture opened twice 
again, and on each occasion he was within a hair's breadth of death, he escaped, and 
came back with us to the United States.

	The army was camped along the valley, ahead of and behind us, our outposts 
being established on either side.  From the generals to the privates all were eager to 
march against Santiago.  At daybreak, when the tall palms began po show dimly 
through the rising mist, the scream of the cavalry trumpets tore the tropic dawn; and in 
the evening, as the bands of regiment after regiment played the "Star-Spangled 
Banner," all, officers and men alike, stood with heads uncovered, wherever they were, 
until the last strains of the anthem died away in the hot sunset air.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter IV: The Cavalry At Santiago
      
Part I

	On June 30th we received orders to hold ourselves in readiness to march against 
Santiago, and all the men were greatly overjoyed, for the inaction was trying.  The one 
narrow road, a mere muddy track along which the army was encamped, was choked 
with the marching columns.  As always happened when we had to change camp, 
everything that the men could not carry, including, of course, the officer's baggage, 
was left behind.

   See--Men Recommended for Promotion for Gallantry in Action


	About noon the Rough Riders struck camp and drew up in column beside the 
road in the rear of the First Cavalry.  Then we sat down and waited for hours before 
the order came to march, while regiment after regiment passed by, varied by bands of 
tatterdemalion Cuban insur ents, and by mule-trains with ammunition.  Every man 
carried three days' provisions.  We had succeeded in borrowing mules sufficient to 
carry along the dynamite gun and the automatic Colts.

	At last, toward mid-afternoon, the First and Tenth Cavalry, ahead of us, marched, 
and we followed.  The First was under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Veile, the 
Tenth under Lieutenant-Colonel Baldwin. Every few minutes there would be a 
stoppage in front, and at the halt I would make the men sit or lie down beside the track, 
loosening their packs. The heat was intense as we passed through the still, close 
jungle, which formed a wall on either hand.  Occasionally we came to gaps or open 
spaces, where some regiment was camped, and now and then one of these 
regiments, which apparently had been left out of its proper place, would file into the 
road, breaking up our line of march.  As a result, we finally found ourselves following 
merely the tail of the regiment ahead of us, an infantry regiment being thrust into the 
interval.  Once or twice we had to wade streams.  Darkness came on, but we still 
continued to march.  It was about eight o'clock when we turned to the left and climbed 
El Poso hill, on whose summit there was a ruined ranch and sugar factory, now, of 
course, deserted.  Here I found General Wood, who was arranging for the camping of 
the brigade.  Our own arrangements for the night were simple.  I extended each troop 
across the road into the jungle, and then the men threw down their belongings where 
they stood and slept on their arms. Fortunately, there was no rain.  Wood and I curled 
up under our rain-coats on the saddle-blankets, while his two aides, Captain A. L. Mills 
and Lieutenant W. N. Ship, slept near us.  We were up before dawn and getting 
breakfast. Mills and Ship had nothing to eat, and they breakfasted with Wood and 
myself, as we had been able to get some handfuls of beans, and some coffee and 
sugar, as well as the ordinary bacon and hardtack.

	We did not talk much, for though we were in ignorance as to precisely what the 
day would bring forth, we knew that we should see fighting.  We had slept soundly 
enough, although, of course, both Wood and I during the night had made a round of 
the sentries, he of the brigade, and I of the regiment; and I suppose that, excepting 
among hardened veterans, there is always a certain feeling of uneasy excitement the 
night before the battle.

	Mills and Ship were both tall, fine-looking men, of tried courage, and thoroughly 
trained in every detail of their profession; I remember being struck by the quiet, 
soldierly way they were going about their work early that morning.  Before noon one 
was killed and the other dangerously wounded.

	General Wheeler was sick, but with his usual indomitable pluck and entire 
indifference to his own personal comfort, he kept to the front.  He was unable to retain 
command of the cavalry division, which accordingly devolved upon General Samuel 
Sumner, who commanded it until mid-afternoon, when the bulk of the fighting was 
over.  General Sumner's own brigade fell to Colonel Henry Carroll.  General Sumner 
led the advance with the cavalry, and the battle was fought by him and by General 
Kent, who commanded the infantry division, and whose foremost brigade was led by 
General Hawkins.

	As the sun rose the men fell in, and at the same time a battery of field-guns was 
brought up on the hill-crest just beyond, between us and toward Santiago.  It was a 
fine sight to see the great horses straining under the lash as they whirled the guns up 
the hill and into position.

	Our brigade was drawn up on the hither side of a kind of half basin, a big band of 
Cubans being off to the left.  As yet we had received no orders, except that we were 
told that the main fighting was to be done by Lawton's infantry division, which was to 
take El Caney, several miles to our right, while we were simply to make a diversion.  
This diversion was to be made mainly with the artillery, and the battery which had 
taken position immediately in front of us was to begin when Lawton began.

	It was about six o'clock that the first report of the cannon from El Caney came 
booming to us across the miles of still jungle.  It was a very lovely morning, the sky of 
cloudless blue, while the level, shimmering rays from the just-risen sun brought into 
fine relief the splendid palms which here and there towered above the lower growth.  
The lofty and beautiful mountains hemmed in the Santiago plain, making it an 
amphitheatre for the battle.

	Immediately our guns opened, and at the report great clouds of white smoke 
hung on the ridge crest.  For a minute or two there was no response. Wood and I were 
sitting together, and Wood remarked to me that he wished our brigade could be moved 
somewhere else, for we were directly in line of any return fire aimed by the Spaniards 
at the battery.  Hardly had he spoken when there was a peculiar whistling, singing 
sound in the air, and immediately afterward the noise of something exploding over our 
heads.  It was shrapnel from the Spanish batteries.  We sprung to our feet and leaped 
on our horses. Immediately afterward a second shot came which burst directly above 
us; and then a third.  From the second shell one of the shrapnel bullets dropped on my 
wrist, hardly breaking the skin, but raising a bump about as big as a hickory-nut.  The 
same shell wounded four of my regiment, one of them being Mason Mitchell, and two 
or three of the regulars were also hit, one losing his leg by a great fragment of shell. 
Another shell exploded right in the middle of the Cubans, killing and wounding a good 
many, while the remainder scattered like guinea-hens. Wood's led horse was also shot 
through the lungs.  I at once hustled my regiment over the crest of the hill into the thick 
underbrush, where I had no little difficulty in getting them together again into column.

	Meanwhile the firing continued for fifteen or twenty minutes, until it gradually died 
away.  As the Spaniards used smokeless powder, their artillery had an enormous 
advantage over ours, and, moreover, we did not have the best type of modern guns, 
our fire being slow.

	As soon as the firing ceased, Wood formed his brigade, with my regiment in 
front, and gave me orders to follow behind the First Brigade, which was just moving off 
the ground.  In column of fours we marched down the trail toward the ford of the San 
Juan River.  We passed two or three regiments of infantry, and were several times 
halted before we came to the ford.  The First Brigade, which was under Colonel Carroll 
- Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton commanding the Ninth Regiment, Major Wessels the 
Third, and Captain Kerr the Sixth - had already crossed and was marching to the right, 
parallel to, but a little distance from, the river.  The Spaniards in the trenches and 
block-houses on top of the hills in front were already firing at the brigade in desultory 
fashion.  The extreme advance of the Ninth Cavalry was under Lieutenants McNamee 
and Hartwick.  They were joined by General Hawkins, with his staff, who was looking 
over the ground and deciding on the route he should take his infantry brigade.

	Our orders had been of the vaguest kind, being simply to march to the right and 
connect with Lawton - with whom, of course, there was no chance of our connecting.  
No reconnaissance had been made, and the exact position and strength of the 
Spaniards was not known.  A captive balloon was up in the air at this moment, but it 
was worse than useless.  A previous proper reconnaissance and proper look-out from 
the hills would have given us exact information.  As it was, Generals Kent, Sumner, 
and Hawkins had to be their own reconnaissance, and they fought their troops so well 
that we won anyhow.

	I was now ordered to cross the ford, march half a mile or so to the right, and then 
halt and await further orders; and I promptly hurried my men across, for the fire was 
getting hot, and the captive balloon, to the horror of everybody, was coming down to 
the ford.  Of course, it was a special target for the enemy's fire.  I got my men across 
before it reached the ford.  There it partly collapsed and remained, causing severe loss 
of life, as it indicated the exact position where the Tenth and the First Cavalry, and the 
infantry, were crossing.

	As I led my column slowly along, under the intense heat, through the high grass 
of the open jungle, the First Brigade was to our left, and the firing between it and the 
Spaniards on the hills grew steadily hotter and hotter. After awhile I came to a sunken 
lane, and as by this time the First Brigade had stopped and was engaged in a stand-up 
fight, I halted my men and sent back word for orders.  As we faced toward the Spanish 
hills my regiment was on the right with next to it and a little in advance the First 
Cavalry, and behind them the Tenth.  In our front the Ninth held the right, the Sixth the 
centre, and the Third the left; but in the jungle the lines were already overlapping in 
places.  Kent's infantry were coming up, farther to the left.

	Captain Mills was with me.  The sunken lane, which had a wire fence on either 
side, led straight up toward, and between, the two hills in our front, the hill on the left, 
which contained heavy block-houses, being farther away from us than the hill on our 
right, which we afterward grew to call Kettle Hill, and which was surmounted merely by 
some large ranch buildings or haciendas, with sunken brick-lined walls and cellars.  I 
got the men as well-sheltered as I could.  Many of them lay close under the bank of the 
lane, others slipped into the San Juan River and crouched under its hither bank, while 
the rest lay down behind the patches of bushy jungle in the tall grass. The heat was 
intense, and many of the men were already showing signs of exhaustion.  The sides of 
the hills in front were bare; but the country up to them was, for the most part, covered 
with such dense jungle that in charging through it no accuracy of formation could 
possibly be preserved.

	The fight was now on in good earnest, and the Spaniards on the hills were 
engaged in heavy volley firing.  The Mauser bullets drove in sheets through the trees 
and the tall jungle grass, making a peculiar whirring or rustling sound; some of the 
bullets seemed to pop in the air, so that we thought they were explosive; and, indeed, 
many of those which were coated with brass did explode, in the sense that the brass 
coat was ripped off, making a thin plate of hard metal with a jagged edge, which 
inflicted a ghastly wound.  These bullets were shot from a .45-calibre rifle carrying 
smokeless powder, which was much used by the guerillas and irregular Spanish 
troops.  The Mauser bullets themselves made a small clean hole, with the result that 
the wound healed in a most astonishing manner.  One or two of our men who were 
shot in the head had the skull blown open, but elsewhere the wounds from the minute 
steelcoated bullet, with its very high velocity, were certainly nothing like as serious as 
those made by the old large-calibre, low-power rifle.  If a man was shot through the 
heart, spine, or brain he was, of course, killed instantly; but very few of the wounded 
died - even under the appalling conditions which prevailed, owing to the lack of 
attendance and supplies in the field-hospitals with the army.

	While we were lying in reserve we were suffering nearly as much as afterward 
when we charged.  I think that the bulk of the Spanish fire was practically unaimed, or 
at least not aimed at any particular man, and only occasionally at a particular body of 
men; but they swept the whole field of battle up to the edge of the river, and man after 
man in our ranks fell dead or wounded, although I had the troopers scattered out far 
apart, taking advantage of every scrap of cover.

	Devereux was dangerously shot while he lay with his men on the edge of the 
river.  A young West Point cadet, Ernest Haskell, who had taken his holiday with us as 
an acting second lieutenant, was shot through the stomach. He had shown great 
coolness and gallantry, which he displayed to an even more marked degree after 
being wounded, shaking my hand and saying, "All right, Colonel, I'm going to get well.  
Don't bother about me, and don't let any man come away with me." When I shook 
hands with him, I thought he would surely die; yet he recovered.

	The most serious loss that I and the regiment could have suffered befell just 
before we charged.  Bucky O'Neill was strolling up and down in front of his men, 
smoking his cigarette, for he was inveterately addicted to the habit. He had a theory 
that an officer ought never to take cover - a theory which was, of course, wrong, 
though in a volunteer organization the officers should certainly expose themselves 
very fully, simply for the effect on the men; our regimental toast on the transport 
running, "The officers; may the war last until each is killed, wounded, or promoted." As 
O'Neill moved to and fro, his men begged him to lie down, and one of the sergeants 
said, "Captain, a bullet is sure to hit you." O'Neill took his cigarette out of his mouth, 
and blowing out a cloud of smoke laughed and said, "Sergeant, the Spanish bullet isn't 
made that will kill me." A little later he discussed for a moment with one of the regular 
officers the direction from which the Spanish fire was coming.  As he turned on his 
heel a bullet struck him in the mouth and came out at the back of his head; so that 
even before he fell his wild and gallant soul had gone out into the darkness.

	My orderly was a brave young Harvard boy, Sanders, from the quaint old 
Massachusetts town of Salem.  The work of an orderly on foot, under the blazing sun, 
through the hot and matted jungle, was very severe, and finally the heat overcame 
him.  He dropped; nor did he ever recover fully, and later he died from fever.  In his 
place I summoned a trooper whose name I did not know.  Shortly afterward, while 
sitting beside the bank, I directed him to go back and ask whatever general he came 
across if I could not advance, as my men were being much cut up.  He stood up to 
salute and then pitched forward across my knees, a bullet having gone through his 
throat, cutting the carotid.

	When O'Neill was shot, his troop, who were devoted to him, were for the moment 
at a loss whom to follow.  One of their number, Henry Bardshar, a huge Arizona miner, 
immediately attached himself to me as my orderly, and from that moment he was 
closer to me, not only in the fight, but throughout the rest of the campaign, than any 
other man, not even excepting the color-sergeant, Wright.

	Captain Mills was with me; gallant Ship had already been killed. Mills was an 
invaluable aide, absolutely cool, absolutely unmoved or flurried in any way.

	I sent messenger after messenger to try to find General Sumner or General 
Wood and get permission to advance, and was just about making up my mind that in 
the absence of orders I had better "march toward the guns," when Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dorst came riding up through the storm of bullets with the welcome command "to move 
forward and support the regulars in the assault on the hills in front." General Sumner 
had obtained authority to advance from Lieutenant Miley, who was representing 
General Shafter at the front, and was in the thick of the fire.  The General at once 
ordered the first brigade to advance on the hills, and the second to support it.  He 
himself was riding his horse along the lines, superintending the fight. Later I overheard 
a couple of my men talking together about him.  What they said illustrates the value of 
a display of courage among the officers in hardening their soldiers; for their theme was 
how, as they were lying down under a fire which they could not return, and were in 
consequence feeling rather nervous, General Sumner suddenly appeared on 
horseback, sauntering by quite unmoved; and, said one of the men, "That made us 
feel all right. If the General could stand it, we could."

	The instant I received the order I sprang on my horse and then my "crowded 
hour" began.  The guerillas had been shooting at us from the edges of the jungle and 
from their perches in the leafy trees, and as they used smokeless powder, it was 
almost impossible to see them, though a few of my men had from time to time 
responded.  We had also suffered from the hill on our right front, which was held 
chiefly by guerillas, although there were also some Spanish regulars with them, for we 
found their dead.  I formed my men in column of troops, each troop extended in open 
skirmishing order, the right resting on the wire fences which bordered the sunken lane.  
Captain Jenkins led the first squadron, his eyes literally dancing with joyous 
excitement.

	I started in the rear of the regiment, the position in which the colonel should 
theoretically stay.  Captain Mills and Captain McCormick were both with me as aides; 
but I speedily had to send them off on special duty in getting the different bodies of 
men forward.  I had intended to go into action on foot as at Las Guasimas, but the heat 
was so oppressive that I found I should be quite unable to run up and down the line 
and superintend matters unless I was mounted; and, moreover, when on horseback, I 
could see the men better and they could see me better.

	A curious incident happened as I was getting the men started forward. Always 
when men have been lying down under cover for some time, and are required to 
advance, there is a little hesitation, each looking to see whether the others are going 
forward.  As I rode down the line, calling to the troopers to go forward, and rasping 
brief directions to the captains and lieutenants, I came upon a man lying behind a little 
bush, and I ordered him to jump up.  I do not think he understood that we were making 
a forward move, and he looked up at me for a moment with hesitation, and I again 
bade him rise, jeering him and saying: "Are you afraid to stand up when I am on 
horseback?" As I spoke, he suddenly fell forward on his face, a bullet having struck 
him and gone through him lengthwise.  I suppose the bullet had been aimed at me; at 
any rate, I, who was on horseback in the open, was unhurt, and the man lying flat on 
the ground in the cover beside me was killed.  There were several pairs of brothers 
with us; of the two Nortons one was killed; of the two McCurdys one was wounded.

	I soon found that I could get that line, behind which I personally was, faster 
forward than the one immediately in front of it, with the result that the two rearmost 
lines of the regiment began to crowd together; so I rode through them both, the better 
to move on the one in front.  This happened with every line in succession, until I found 
myself at the head of the regiment.

	Both lieutenants of B Troop from Arizona had been exerting themselves greatly, 
and both were overcome by the heat; but Sergeants Campbell and Davidson took it 
forward in splendid shape.  Some of the men from this troop and from the other 
Arizona troop (Bucky O'Neill's) joined me as a kind of fighting tail.

	The Ninth Regiment was immediately in front of me, and the First on my left, and 
these went up Kettle Hill with my regiment.  The Third, Sixth, and Tenth went partly up 
Kettle Hill (following the Rough Riders and the Ninth and First), and partly between 
that and the block-house hill, which the infantry were assailing.  General Sumner in 
person gave the Tenth the order to charge the hills; and it went forward at a rapid gait.  
The three regiments went forward more or less intermingled, advancing steadily and 
keeping up a heavy fire.  Up Kettle Hill Sergeant George Berry, of the Tenth, bore not 
only his own regimental colors but those of the Third, the color-sergeant of the Third 
having been shot down; he kept shouting, "Dress on the colors, boys, dress on the 
colors!" as he followed Captain Ayres, who was running in advance of his men, 
shouting and waving his hat.  The Tenth Cavalry lost a greater proportion of its officers 
than any other regiment in the battle - eleven out of twenty-two.

	By the time I had come to the head of the regiment we ran into the left wing of 
the Ninth Regulars, and some of the First Regulars, who were lying down; that is, the 
troopers were lying down, while the officers were walking to and fro.  The officers of 
the white and colored regiments alike took the greatest pride in seeing that the men 
more than did their duty; and the mortality among them was great.

	I spoke to the captain in command of the rear platoons, saying that I had been 
ordered to support the regulars in the attack upon the hills, and that in my judgment we 
could not take these hills by firing at them, and that we must rush them.  He answered 
that his orders were to keep his men lying where they were, and that he could not 
charge without orders.  I asked where the Colonel was, and as he was not in sight, 
said, "Then I am the ranking officer here and I give the order to charge" - for I did not 
want to keep the men longer in the open suffering under a fire which they could not 
effectively return. Naturally the Captain hesitated to obey this order when no word had 
been received from his own Colonel.  So I said, "Then let my men through, sir," and 
rode on through the lines, followed by the grinning Rough Riders, whose attention had 
been completely taken off the Spanish bullets, partly by my dialogue with the regulars, 
and partly by the language I had been using to themselves as I got the lines forward, 
for I had been joking with some and swearing at others, as the exigencies of the case 
seemed to demand.  When we started to go through, however, it proved too much for 
the regulars, and they jumped up and came along, their officers and troops mingling 
with mine, all being delighted at the chance. When I got to where the head of the left 
wing of the Ninth was lying, through the courtesy of Lieutenant Hartwick, two of whose 
colored troopers threw down the fence, I was enabled to get back into the lane, at the 
same time waving my hat, and giving the order to charge the hill on our right front.  Out 
of my sight, over on the right, Captains McBlain and Taylor, of the Ninth, made up their 
minds independently to charge at just about this time; and at almost the same moment 
Colonels Carroll and Hamilton, who were off, I believe, to my left, where we could see 
neither them nor their men, gave the order to advance.  But of all this I knew nothing at 
the time. The whole line, tired of waiting, and eager to close with the enemy, was 
straining to go forward; and it seems that different parts slipped the leash at almost the 
same moment.  The First Cavalry came up the hill just behind, and partly mixed with 
my regiment and the Ninth.  As already said, portions of the Third, Sixth, and Tenth 
followed, while the rest of the members of these three regiments kept more in touch 
with the infantry on our left.

	By this time we were all in the spirit of the thing and greatly excited by the 
charge, the men cheering and running forward between shots, while the delighted 
faces of the foremost officers, like Captain C. J. Stevens, of the Ninth, as they ran at 
the head of their troops, will always stay in my mind. As soon as I was in the line I 
galloped forward a few yards until I saw that the men were well started, and then 
galloped back to help Goodrich, who was in command of his troop, get his men across 
the road so as to attack the hill from that side.  Captain Mills had already thrown three 
of the other troops of the regiment across this road for the same purpose.  Wheeling 
around, I then again galloped toward the hill, passing the shouting, cheering, firing 
men, and went up the lane, splashing through a small stream; when I got abreast of 
the ranch buildings on the top of Kettle Hill, I turned and went up the slope. Being on 
horseback I was, of course, able to get ahead of the men on foot, excepting my 
orderly, Henry Bardshar, who had run ahead very fast in order to get better shots at 
the Spaniards, who were now running out of the ranch buildings.  Sergeant Campbell 
and a number of the Arizona men, and Dudley Dean, among others, were very close 
behind.  Stevens, with his platoon of the Ninth, was abreast of us; so were McNamee 
and Hartwick.  Some forty yards from the top I ran into a wire fence and jumped off 
Little Texas, turning him loose.  He had been scraped by a couple of bullets, one of 
which nicked my elbow, and I never expected to see him again.  As I ran up to the hill, 
Bardshar stopped to shoot, and two Spaniards fell as he emptied his magazine. These 
were the only Spaniards I actually saw fall to aimed shots by any one of my men, with 
the exception of two guerillas in trees.

	Almost immediately afterward the hill was covered by the troops, both Rough 
Riders and the colored troopers of the Ninth, and some men of the First. There was 
the usual confusion, and afterward there was much discussion as to exactly who had 
been on the hill first.  The first guidons planted there were those of the three New 
Mexican troops, G, E, and F, of my regiment, under their Captains, Llewellen, Luna, 
and Muller, but on the extreme right of the hill, at the opposite end from where we 
struck it, Captains Taylor and McBlain and their men of the Ninth were first up.  Each 
of the five captains was firm in the belief that his troop was first up. As for the individual 
men, each of whom honestly thought he was first on the summit, their name was 
legion.  One Spaniard was captured in the buildings, another was shot as he tried to 
hide himself, and a few others were killed as they ran.

	Among the many deeds of conspicuous gallantry here performed, two, both to 
the credit of the First Cavalry, may be mentioned as examples of the others, not as 
exceptions.  Sergeant Charles Karsten, while close beside Captain Tutherly, the 
squadron commander, was hit by a shrapnel bullet.  He continued on the line, firing 
until his arm grew numb; and he then refused to go to the rear, and devoted himself to 
taking care of the wounded, utterly unmoved by the heavy fire.  Trooper Hugo Brittain, 
when wounded, brought the regimental standard forward, waving it to and fro, to cheer 
the men.

	No sooner were we on the crest than the Spaniards from the line of hills in our 
front, where they were strongly intrenched, opened a very heavy fire upon us with their 
rifles.  They also opened upon us with one or two pieces of artillery, using time fuses 
which burned very accurately, the shells exploding right over our heads.

	On the top of the hill was a huge iron kettle, or something of the kind, probably 
used for sugar refining.  Several of our men took shelter behind this.  We had a 
splendid view of the charge on the San Juan block-house to our left, where the infantry 
of Kent, led by Hawkins, were climbing the hill. Obviously the proper thing to do was to 
help them, and I got the men together and started them volley-firing against the 
Spaniards in the San Juan block-house and in the trenches around it.  We could only 
see their heads; of course th s was all we ever could see when we were firing at them 
in their trenches.  Stevens was directing not only his own colored troopers, but a 
number of Rough Riders; for in a melee good soldiers are always prompt to recognize 
a good officer, and are eager to follow him.

	We kept up a brisk fire for some five or ten minutes; meanwhile we were much 
cut up ourselves.  Gallant Colonel Hamilton, than whom there was never a braver 
man, was killed, and equally gallant Colonel Carroll wounded.  When near the summit 
Captain Mills had been shot through the head, the bullet destroying the sight of one 
eye permanently and of the other temporarily.  He would not go back or let any man 
assist him, sitting down where he was and waiting until one of the men brought him 
word that the hill was stormed. Colonel Veile planted the standard of the First Cavalry 
on the hill, and General Sumner rode up.  He was fighting his division in great form, 
and was always himself in the thick of the fire. As the men were much excited by the 
firing, they seemed to pay very little heed to their own losses.

   See--Charge Of The Rough Riders: Charge of the Rough Riders at San Juan 
Hill, from the painting by Frederic Remington.


   See--View from San Juan Hill of the First Hill and Block House captured on the 
first of July: Now and then the drumming ceased for a moment; then it would resound 
again, always closer to San Juan hill, which Parker, like ourselves, was hammering to 
assist the infantry attack.


	Suddenly, above the cracking of the carbines, rose a peculiar drumming sound, 
and some of the men cried, "The Spanish machine-guns!" Listening, I made out that it 
came from the flat ground to the left, and jumped to my feet, smiting my hand on my 
thigh, and shouting aloud with exultation, "It's the Gatlings, men, our Gatlings!" 
Lieutenant Parker was bringing his four gatlings into action, and shoving them nearer 
and nearer the front. Now and then the drumming ceased for a moment; then it would 
resound again, always closer to San Juan hill, which Parker, like ourselves, was 
hammering to assist the infantry attack.  Our men cheered lustily.  We saw much of 
Parker after that, and there was never a more welcome sound than his Gatlings as 
they opened.  It was the only sound which I ever heard my men cheer in battle.

   See--Hill At San Juan: Colonel Roosevelt and Rough Riders where they 
charged over the hill at San Juan.

ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter IV: The Cavalry At Santiago
    
Part II

	The infantry got nearer and nearer the crest of the hill.  At last we could see the 
Spaniards running from the rifle-pits as the Americans came on in their final rush.  
Then I stopped my men for fear they should injure their comrades, and called to them 
to charge the next line of trenches, on the hills in our front, from which we had been 
undergoing a good deal of punishment. Thinking that the men would all come, I 
jumped over the wire fence in front of us and started at the double; but, as a matter of 
fact, the troopers were so excited, what with shooting and being shot, and shouting 
and cheering, that they did not hear, or did not heed me; and after running about a 
hundred yards I found I had only five men along with me.  Bullets were ripping the 
grass all around us, and one of the men, Clay Green, was mortally wounded; another, 
Winslow Clark, a Harvard man, was shot first in the leg and then through the body.  He 
made not the slightest murmur, only asking me to put his water canteen where he 
could get at it, which I did; he ultimately recovered.  There was no use going on with 
the remaining three men, and I bade them stay where they were while I went back and 
brought up the rest of the brigade.  This was a decidedly cool request, for there was 
really no possible point in letting them stay there while I went back; but at the moment 
it seemed perfectly natural to me, and apparently so to them, for they cheerfully 
nodded, and sat down in the grass, firing back at the line of trenches from which the 
Spaniards were shooting at them.  Meanwhile, I ran back, jumped over the wire fence, 
and went over the crest of the hill, filled with anger against the troopers, and especially 
those of my own regiment, for not having accompanied me. They, of course, were 
quite innocent of wrong-doing; and even while I taunted them bitterly for not having 
followed me, it was all I could do not to smile at the look of injury and surprise that 
came over their faces, while they cried out, "We didn't hear you, we didn't see you go, 
Colonel; lead on now, we'll sure follow you." I wanted the other regiments to come too, 
so I ran down to where General Sumner was and asked him if I might make the 
charge; and he told me to go and that he would see that the men followed.  By this 
time everybody had his attention attracted, and when I leaped over the fence again, 
with Major Jenkins beside me, the men of the various regiments which were already 
on the hill came with a rush, and we started across the wide valley which lay between 
us and the Spanish intrenchments.  Captain Dimmick, now in command of the Ninth, 
was bringing it forward; Captain McBlain had a number of Rough Riders mixed in with 
his troop, and led them all together; Captain Taylor had been severely wounded. The 
long-legged men like Greenway, Goodrich, sharp-shooter Proffit, and others, 
outstripped the rest of us, as we had a considerable distance to go.  Long before we 
got near them the Spaniards ran, save a few here and there, who either surrendered 
or were shot down. When we reached the trenches we found them filled with dead 
bodies in the light blue and white uniform of the Spanish regular army.  There were 
very few wounded.  Most of the fallen had little holes in their heads from which their 
brains were oozing; for they were covered from the neck down by the trenches.

	It was at this place that Major Wessels, of the Third Cavalry, was shot in the back 
of the head.  It was a severe wound, but after having it bound up he again came to the 
front in command of his regiment.  Among the men who were foremost was Lieutenant 
Milton F. Davis, of the First Cavalry. He had been joined by three men of the Seventy-
first New York, who ran up, and, saluting, said, "Lieutenant, we want to go with you, 
our officers won't lead us." One of the brave fellows was soon afterward shot in the 
face.  Lieutenant Davis's first sergeant, Clarence Gould, killed a Spanish soldier with 
his revolver, just as the Spaniard was aiming at one of my Rough Riders.  At about the 
same time I also shot one.  I was with Henry Bardshar, running up at the double, and 
two Spaniards leaped from the trenches and fired at us, not ten yards away.  As they 
turned to run I closed in and fired twice, missing the first and killing the second.  My 
revolver was from the sunken battle-ship Maine, and had been given me by my 
brother-in-law, Captain W. S. Cowles, of the Navy. At the time I did not know of 
Gould's exploit, and supposed my feat to be unique; and although Gould had killed his 
Spaniard in the trenches, not very far from me, I never learned of it until weeks after.  It 
is astonishing what a limited area of vision and experience one has in the hurly-burly of 
a battle.

	There was very great confusion at this time, the different regiments being 
completely intermingled - white regulars, colored regulars, and Rough Riders.  General 
Sumner had kept a considerable force in reserve on Kettle Hill, under Major Jackson, 
of the Third Cavalry.  We were still under a heavy fire and I got together a mixed lot of 
men and pushed on from the trenches and ranch-houses which we had just taken, 
driving the Spaniards through a line of palm-trees, and over the crest of a chain of hills.  
When we reached these crests we found ourselves overlooking Santiago.  Some of 
the men, including Jenkins, Greenway, and Goodrich, pushed on almost by 
themselves far ahead. Lieutenant Hugh Berkely, of the First, with a sergeant and two 
troopers, reached the extreme front.  He was, at the time, ahead of everyone; the 
sergeant was killed and one trooper wounded; but the lieutenant and the remaining 
trooper stuck to their post for the rest of the afternoon until our line was gradually 
extended to include them.

	While I was re-forming the troops on the chain of hills, one of General Sumner's 
aides, Captain Robert Howze - as dashing and gallant an officer as there was in the 
whole gallant cavalry division, by the way - came up with orders to me to halt where I 
was, not advancing farther, but to hold the hill at all hazards.  Howze had his horse, 
and I had some difficulty in making him take proper shelter; he stayed with us for quite 
a time, unable to make up his mind to leave the extreme front, and meanwhile jumping 
at the chance to render any service, of risk or otherwise, which the moment developed.

	I now had under me all the fragments of the six cavalry regiments which were at 
the extreme front, being the highest officer left there, and I was in immediate command 
of them for the remainder of the afternoon and that night. The Ninth was over to the 
right, and the Thirteenth Infantry afterward came up beside it.  The rest of Kent's 
infantry was to our left. Of the Tenth, Lieutenants Anderson, Muller, and Fleming 
reported to me; Anderson was slightly wounded, but he paid no heed to this.  All three, 
like every other officer, had troopers of various regiments under them; such mixing 
was inevitable in making repeated charges through thick jungle; it was essentially a 
troop commanders', indeed, almost a squad leaders', fight.  The Spaniards who had 
been holding the trenches and the line of hills, had fallen back upon their supports and 
we were under a very heavy fire both from rifles and great guns.  At the point where 
we were, the grass-covered hill-crest was gently rounded, giving poor cover, and I 
made my men lie down on the hither slope.

	On the extreme left Captain Beck, of the Tenth, with his own troop, and small 
bodies of the men of other regiments, was exercising a practically independent 
command, driving back the Spaniards whenever they showed any symptoms of 
advancing.  He had received his orders to hold the line at all hazards from Lieutenant 
Andrews, one of General Sumner's aides, just as I had received mine from Captain 
Howze.  Finally, he was relieved by some infantry, and then rejoined the rest of the 
Tenth, which was engaged heavily until dark, Major Wint being among the severely 
wounded. Lieutenant W. N. Smith was killed.  Captain Bigelow had been wounded 
three times.

	Our artillery made one or two efforts to come into action on the firing-line of the 
infantry, but the black powder rendered each attempt fruitless.  The Spanish guns 
used smokeless powder, so that it was difficult to place them.  In this respect they 
were on a par with their own infantry and with our regular infantry and dismounted 
cavalry; but our only two volunteer infantry regiments, the Second Massachusetts and 
the Seventy- first New York, and our artillery, all had black powder.  This rendered the 
two volunteer regiments, which were armed with the antiquated Springfield, almost 
useless in the battle, and did practically the same thing for the artillery wherever it was 
formed within rifle range.  When one of the guns was discharged a thick cloud of 
smoke shot out and hung over the place, making an ideal target, and in a half minute 
every Spanish gun and rifle within range was directed at the particular spot thus 
indicated; the consequence was that after a more or less lengthy stand the gun was 
silenced or driven off.  We got no appreciable help from our guns on July 1st.  Our 
men were quick to realize the defects of our artillery, but they were entirely philosophic 
about it, not showing the least concern at its failure.  On the contrary, whenever they 
heard our artillery open they would grin as they looked at one another and remark, 
"There go the guns again; wonder how soon they'll be shut up," and shut up they were 
sure to be.  The light battery of Hotchkiss one-pounders, under Lieutenant J. B. 
Hughes, of the Tenth Cavalry, was handled with conspicuous gallantry.

	On the hill-slope immediately around me I had a mixed force composed of 
members of most of the cavalry regiments, and a few infantrymen.  There were about 
fifty of my Rough Riders with Lieutenants Goodrich and Carr. Among the rest were 
perhaps a score of colored infantrymen, but, as it happened, at this particular point 
without any of their officers.  No troops could have behaved better that the colored 
soldiers had behaved so far; but they are, of course, peculiarly dependent upon their 
white officers.  Occasionally they produce non-commissioned officers who can take the 
initiative and accept responsibility precisely like the best class of whites; but this 
cannot be expected normally, nor is it fair to expect it. With the colored troops there 
should always be some of their own officers; whereas, with the white regulars, as with 
my own Rough Riders, experience showed that the non-commissioned officers could 
usually carry on the fight by themselves if they were once started, no matter whether 
their officers were killed or not.

	At this particular time it was trying for the men, as they were lying flat on their 
faces, very rarely responding to the bullets, shells, and shrapnel which swept over the 
hill-top, and which occasionally killed or wounded one of their number.  Major Albert G. 
Forse, of the First Cavalry, a noted Indian fighter, was killed about this time.  One of 
my best men, Sergeant Greenly, of Arizona, who was lying beside me, suddenly said, 
"Beg pardon, Colonel; but I've been hit in the leg." I asked, "Badly?" He said, "Yes, 
Colonel; quite badly." After one of his comrades had helped him fix up his leg with a 
first-aid-to-the-injured bandage, he limped off to the rear.

	None of the white regulars or Rough Riders showed the slightest sign of 
weakening; but under the strain the colored infantrymen (who had none of their 
officers) began to get a little uneasy and to drift to the rear, either helping wounded 
men, or saying that they wished to find their own regiments. This I could not allow, as it 
was depleting my line, so I jumped up, and walking a few yards to the rear, drew my 
revolver, halted the retreating soldiers, and called out to them that I appreciated the 
gallantry with which they had fought and would be sorry to hurt them, but that I should 
shoot the first man who, on any pretence whatever, went to the rear.  My own men had 
all sat up and were watching my movements with the utmost interest; so was Captain 
Howze.  I ended my statement to the colored soldiers by saying: "Now, I shall be very 
sorry to hurt you, and you don't know whether or not I will keep my word, but my men 
can tell you that I always do;" whereupon my cow-punchers, hunters, and miners 
solemnly nodded their heads and commented in chorus, exactly as if in a comic opera, 
"He always does; he always does!"

	This was the end of the trouble, for the "smoked Yankees" - as the Spaniards 
called the colored soldiers - flashed their white teeth at one another, as they broke into 
broad grins, and I had no more trouble with them, they seeming to accept me as one 
of their own officers.  The colored cavalry-men had already so accepted me; in return, 
the Rough Riders, although for the most part Southwesterners, who have a strong 
color prejudice, grew to accept them with hearty good-will as comrades, and were 
entirely willing, in their own phrase, "to drink out of the same canteen." Where all the 
regular officers did so well, it is hard to draw any distinction; but in the cavalry division 
a peculiar meed of praise should be given to the officers of the Ninth and Tenth for 
their work, and under their leadership the colored troops did as well as any soldiers 
could possibly do.

	In the course of the afternoon the Spaniards in our front made the only offensive 
movement which I saw them make during the entire campaign; for what were ordinarily 
called "attacks" upon our lines consisted merely of heavy firing from their trenches and 
from their skirmishers.  In this case they did actually begin to make a forward 
movement, their cavalry coming up as well as the marines and reserve infantry, ^* 
while their skirmishers, who were always bold, redoubled their activity.  It could not be 
called a charge, and not only was it not pushed home, but it was stopped almost as 
soon as it began, our men immediately running forward to the crest of the hill with 
shouts of delight at seeing their enemies at last came into the open.  A few seconds' 
firing stopped their advance and drove them into the cover of the trenches.

	[Footnote *: Lieutenant Tejeiro speaks of this attempt to retake San Juan and its 
failure.]

	They kept up a very heavy fire for some time longer, and our men again lay 
down, only replying occasionally.  Suddenly we heard on our right the peculiar 
drumming sound which had been so welcome in th  morning, when the infantry were 
assailing the San Juan block-house.  The Gatlings were up again! I started over to 
inquire, and found that Lieutenant Parker, not content with using his guns in support of 
the attacking forces, had thrust them forward to the extreme front of the fighting line, 
where he was handling them with great effect.  From this time on, throughout the 
fighting, Parker's Gatlings were on the right of my regiment, and his men and mine 
fraternized in every way.  He kept his pieces at the extreme front, using them on every 
occasion until the last Spanish shot was fired. Indeed, the dash and efficiency with 
which the Gatlings were handled by Parker was one of the most striking features of the 
campaign; he showed that a first-rate officer could use machine-guns, on wheels, in 
battle and skirmish, in attacking and defending trenches, alongside of the best troops, 
and to their great advantage.

	As night came on, the firing gradually died away.  Before this happened, 
however, Captains Morton and Boughton, of the Third Cavalry, came over to tell me 
that a rumor had reached them to the effect that there had been some talk of retiring 
and that they wished to protest in the strongest manner.  I had been watching them 
both, as they handled their troops with the cool confidence of the veteran regular 
officer, and had been congratulating myself that they were off toward the right flank, for 
as long as they were there, I knew I was perfectly safe in that direction.  I had heard no 
rumor about retiring, and I cordially agreed with them that it would be far worse than a 
blunder to abandon our position.

	To attack the Spaniards by rushing across open ground, or through wire 
entanglements and low, almost impassable jungle, without the help of artillery, and to 
force unbroken infantry, fighting behind earthworks and armed with the best repeating 
weapons, supported by cannon, was one thing; to repel such an attack ourselves, or to 
fight our foes on anything like even terms in the open, was quite another thing.  No 
possible number of Spaniards coming at us from in front could have driven us from our 
position, and there was not a man on the crest who did not eagerly and devoutly hope 
that our opponents would make the attempt, for it would surely have been followed, not 
merely by a repulse, but by our immediately taking the city.  There was not an officer 
or a man on the firing-line, so far as I saw them, who did not feel this way.

	As night fell, some of my men went back to the buildings in our rear and foraged 
through them, for we had now been fourteen hours charging and fighting without food.  
They came across what was evidently the Spanish officers' mess, where their dinner 
was still cooking, and they brought it to the front in high glee.  It was evident that the 
Spanish officers were living well, however the Spanish rank and file were faring.  There 
were three big iron pots, one filled with beef-stew, one with boiled rice, and one with 
boiled peas; there was a big demijohn of rum (all along the trenches which the 
Spaniards held were empty wine and liquor bottles); there were a number of loaves of 
rice-bread; and there were even some small cans of preserves and a few salt fish.  Of 
course, among so many men, the food, which was equally divided, did not give very 
much to each, but it freshened us all.

	Soon after dark, General Wheeler, who in the afternoon had resumed command 
of the cavalry division, came to the front.  A very few words with Genera  Wheeler 
reassured us about retiring.  He had been through too much heavy fighting in the Civil 
War to regard the present fight as very serious, and he told us not to be under any 
apprehension, for he had sent word that there was no need whatever of retiring, and 
was sure we would stay where we were until the chance came to advance.  He was 
second in command; and to him more than to any other one man was due the prompt 
abandonment of the proposal to fall back - a proposal which, if adopted, would have 
meant shame and disaster.

	Shortly afterward General Wheeler sent us orders to intrench.  The men of the 
different regiments were now getting in place again and sifting themselves out.  All of 
our troops who had been kept at Kettle Hill came forward and rejoined us after 
nightfall.  During the afternoon Greenway, apparently not having enough to do in the 
fighting, had taken advantage of a lull to explore the buildings himself, and had found a 
number of Spanish intrenching tools, picks, and shovels, and these we used in digging 
trenches along our line.  The men were very tired indeed, but they went cheerfully to 
work, all the officers doing their part.

	Crockett, the ex-Revenue officer from Georgia, was a slight man, not physically 
very strong.  He came to me and told me he didn't think he would be much use in 
digging, but that he had found a lot of Spanish coffee and would spend his time 
making coffee for the men, if I approved.  I did approve very heartily, and Crockett 
officiated as cook for the next three or four hours until the trench was dug, his coffee 
being much appreciated by all of us.

	So many acts of gallantry were performed during the day that it is quite 
impossible to notice them all, and it seems unjust to single out any; yet I shall mention 
a few, which it must always be remembered are to stand, not as exceptions, but as 
instances of what very many men did.  It happened that I saw these myself.  There 
were innumerable others, which either were not seen at all, or were seen only by 
officers who happened not to mention them; and, of course, I know chiefly those that 
happened in my own regiment.

	Captain Llewellen was a large, heavy man, who had a grown-up son in the ranks.  
On the march he had frequently carried the load of some man who weakened, and he 
was not feeling well on the morning of the fight. Nevertheless, he kept at the head of 
his troop all day.  In the charging and rushing, he not only became very much 
exhausted, but finally fell, wrenching himself terribly, and though he remained with us 
all night, he was so sick by morning that we had to take him behind the hill into an 
improvised hospital. Lieutenant Day, after handling his troop with equal gallantry and 
efficiency, was shot, on the summit of Kettle Hill.  He was hit in the arm and was forced 
to go to the rear, but he would not return to the States, and rejoined us at the front long 
before his wound was healed. Lieutenant Leahy was also wounded, not far from him.  
Thirteen of the men were wounded and yet kept on fighting until the end of the day, 
and in some cases never went to the rear at all, even to have their wounds dressed. 
They were Corporals Waller and Fortescue and Trooper McKinley of Troop E; 
Corporal Roades of Troop D; Troopers Albertson, Winter, McGregor, and Ray Clark of 
Troop F; Troopers Bugbee, Jackson, and Waller of Troop A; Trumpeter McDonald of 
Troop L; Sergeant Hughes of Troop B; and Trooper Gievers of Troop G.  One of the 
Wallers was a cow-puncher from New Mexico, the other the champion Yale high-
jumper.  The first was shot through the left arm so as to paralyze the fingers, but he 
continued in battle, pointing his rifle over the wounded arm as though it had been a 
rest.  The other Waller, and Bugbee, were hit in the head, the bullets merely inflicting 
scalp wounds.  Neither of them paid any heed to the wounds except that after nightfall 
each had his head done up in a bandage. Fortescue I was at times using as an extra 
orderly.  I noticed he limped, but supposed that his foot was skinned.  It proved, 
however, that he had been struck in the foot, though not very seriously, by a bullet, 
and I never knew what was the matter until the next day I saw him making wry faces 
as he drew off his bloody boot, which was stuck fast to the foot. Trooper Rowland 
again distinguished himself by his fearlessness.

	For gallantry on the field of action Sergeants Dame, Ferguson, Tiffany, 
Greenwald, and, later on, McIlhenny, were promoted to second lieutenancies, as 
Sergeant Hayes had already been.  Lieutenant Carr, who commanded his troop, and 
behaved with great gallantry throughout the day, was shot and severely wounded at 
nightfall.  He was the son of a Confederate officer; his was the fifth generation which, 
from father to son, had fought in every war of the United States.  Among the men 
whom I noticed as leading in the charges and always being nearest the enemy, were 
the Pawnee, Pollock, Simpson of Texas, and Dudley Dean.  Jenkins was made major, 
Woodbury Kane, Day, and Frantz captains, and Greenway and Goodrich first 
lieutenants, for gallantry in action, and for the efficiency with which the first had 
handled his squadron, and the other five their troops - for each of them, owing to some 
accident to his superior, found himself in command of his troop.

	Dr. Church had worked quite as hard as any man at the front in caring for the 
wounded; as had Chaplain Brown.  Lieutenant Keyes, who acted as adjutant, did so 
well that he was given the position permanently. Lieutenant Coleman similarly won the 
position of quartermaster.

	We finished digging the trench soon after midnight, and then the worn-out men 
laid down in rows on their rifles and dropped heavily to sleep. About one in ten of them 
had blankets taken from the Spaniards.  Henry Bardshar, my orderly, had procured 
one for me.  He, Goodrich, and I slept together.  If the men without blankets had not 
been so tired that they fell asleep anyhow, they would have been very cold, for, of 
course, we were all drenched with sweat, and above the waist had on nothing but our 
flannel shirts, while the night was cool, with a heavy dew.  Before anyone had time to 
wake from the cold, however, we were all awakened by the Spaniards, whose 
skirmishers suddenly opened fire on us.  Of course, we could not tell whether or not 
this was the forerunner of a heavy attack, for our Cossack posts were responding 
briskly. It was about three o'clock in the morning, at which time men's courage is said 
to be at the lowest ebb; but the cavalry division was certainly free from any weakness 
in that direction. At the alarm everybody jumped to his feet and the stiff, shivering, 
haggard men, their eyes only half-opened, all clutched their rifles and ran forward to 
the trench on the crest of the hill.

	The sputtering shots died away and we went to sleep again.  But in another hour 
dawn broke and the Spaniards opened fire in good earnest. There was a little tree only 
a few feet away, under which I made my head-quarters, and while I was lying there, 
with Goodrich and Keyes, a shrapnel burst among us, not hurting us in the least, but 
with the sweep of its bullets killing or wounding five men in our rear, one of whom was 
a singularly gallant young Harvard fellow, Stanley Hollister.  An equally gallant young 
fellow from Yale, Theodore Miller, had already been mortally wounded.  Hollister also 
died.

	The Second Brigade lost more heavily than the First; but neither its brigade 
commander nor any of its regimental commanders were touched, while the 
commander of the First Brigade and two of its three regimental commanders had been 
killed or wounded.

	In this fight our regiment had numbered 490 men, as, in addition to the killed and 
wounded of the first fight, some had had to go to the hospital for sickness and some 
had been left behind with the baggage, or were detailed on other duty.  Eighty-nine 
were killed and wounded: the heaviest loss suffered by any regiment in the cavalry 
division.  The Spaniards made a stiff fight, standing firm until we charged home.  They 
fought much more stubbornly than at Las Guasimas.  We ought to have expected this, 
for they have always done well in holding intrenchments.  On this day they showed 
themselves to be brave foes, worthy of honor for their gallantry.

	In the attack on the San Juan hills our forces numbered about 6,600. ^* There 
were about 4,500 Spaniards against us. ^Dagger Our total loss in killed and wounded 
was 1,071.  Of the cavalry division there were, all told, some 2,300 officers and men, 
of whom 375 were killed and wounded.  In the division over a or wounded, their loss 
being relatively half as great again as that of the enlisted men - which was as it should 
be.

	[Footnote *: According to the official reports, 5,104 officers and men of Kent's 
infantry, and 2,649 of the cavalry had been landed.  My regiment is put down as 542 
strong, instead of the real figure, 490, the difference being due to men who were in 
hospital and on gu rd at the seashore, etc. In other words, the total represents the total 
landed; the details, etc., are included. General Wheeler, in his report of July 7th, puts 
these details as about fifteen per cent. of the whole of the force which was on the 
transports; about eighty-five per cent. got forward and was in the fight.]

	[Footnote Dagger: The total Spanish force in Santiago under General Linares 
was 6,000: 4,000 regulars, 1,000 volunteers, and 1,000 marines and sailors from the 
ships.  (Diary of the British Consul, Frederick W. Ramsden, entry of July 1st.) Four 
thousand more troops entered next day.  Of the 6,000 troops, 600 or thereabouts were 
at El Caney, and 900 in the forts at the mouth of the harbor.  Lieutenant Tejeiro states 
that there were 520 men at El Caney, 970 in the forts at the mouth of the harbor, and 
3,000 in the lines, not counting the cavalry and civil guard which were in reserve.  He 
certainly very much understates the Spanish force; thus he nowhere accounts for the 
engineers mentioned on p. 135; and his figures would make the total number of 
Spanish artillerymen but 32.  He excludes the cavalry, the civil guard, and the marines 
which had been stationed at the Plaza del Toros; yet he later mentions that these 
marines were brought up, and their commander, Bustamente, severely wounded; he 
states that the cavalry advanced to cover the retreat of the infantry, and I myself saw 
the cavalry come forward, for the most part dismounted, when the Spaniards 
attempted a forward movement late in the afternoon, and we shot many of their 
horses; while later I saw and conversed with officers and men of the civil guard who 
had been wounded at the same time - this in connection with returning them their 
wives and children, after the latter had fled from the city.  Although the engineers are 
excluded, Lieutenant Tejeiro mentions that their colonel, as well as the colonel of the 
artillery, was wounded.  Four thousand five hundred is surely an understatement of the 
forces which resisted the attack of the forces under Wheeler.  Lieutenant Tejeiro is 
very careless in his figures. Thus in one place he states that the position of San Juan 
was held by two companies, whose strength he puts at 300 - thus making them 
average 100 instead of 125 men apiece.  He then mentions another echelon of two 
companies so situated as to cross their fire with the others.  Doubtless the block-house 
and trenches at Fort San Juan proper were only held by three or four hundred men; 
they were taken by the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry under Hawkins's immediate 
command; and they formed but one point in the line of hills, trenches, ranch-houses, 
and block-houses which the Spaniards held, and from which we drove them.  When 
the city capitulated later, over 8,000 unwounded troops and over 16,000 rifles and 
carbines were surrendered; by that time the marines and sailors had of course gone, 
and the volunteers had disbanded.

	In all these figures I have taken merely the statements from the Spanish side.  I 
am inclined to think the actual numbers were much greater than those here given.  
Lieutenant Wiley, in his book In Cuba with Shafter, which is practically an official 
statement, states that nearly 11,000 Spanish troops were surrendered; and this is the 
number given by the Spaniards themselves in the remarkable letter the captured 
soldiers addressed to General Shafter, which Wiley quotes in full.  Lieutenant Tejeiro, 
in his chap. xiv., explains that the volunteers had disbanded before the end came, and 
the marines and sailors had of course gone, while nearly a thousand men had been 
killed or captured or had died of wounds and disease, so that there must have been at 
least 14,000 all told. Subtracting the reinforcements who arrived on the 2d, this would 
mean about 10,000 Spaniards present on the 1st; in which case Kent and Wheeler 
were opposed by at least equal numbers.

	In dealing with the Spanish losses, Lieutenant Tejeiro contradicts himself.  He 
puts their total loss on this day at 593, including 94 killed, 121 missing, and 2 prisoners 
- 217 in all.  Yet he states that of the 520 men at Caney but 80 got back, the remaining 
440 being killed, captured, or missing.  When we captured the city we found in the 
hospitals over 2,000 seriously wounded and sick Spaniards; on making inquiries, I 
found that over a third were wounded.  From these facts I feel that it is safe to put 
down the total Spanish loss in battle as at least 1,200, of whom over a thousand were 
killed and wounded.

	Lieutenant Tejeiro, while rightly claiming credit for the courage shown by the 
Spaniards, also praises the courage and resolution of the Americans, saying that they 
fought, "con un arrojo y una decision verdaderamente admirables." He dwells 
repeatedly upon the determination with which our troops kept charging though 
themselves unprotected by cover. As for the Spanish troops, all who fought them that 
day will most freely admit the courage they showed.  At El Caney, where they were 
nearly hemmed in, they made a most desperate defence; at San Juan the way to 
retreat was open, and so, though they were seven times as numerous, they fought 
with less desperation, but still very gallantly.]

	I think we suffered more heavily than the Spaniards did in killed and wounded 
(though we also captured some scores of prisoners).  It would have been very 
extraordinary if the reverse was the case, for we did the charging; and to carry 
earthworks on foot with dismounted cavalry, when these earthworks are held by 
unbroken infantry armed with the best modern rifles, is a serious task.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter V: In The Trenches
      
Part I

	When the shrapnel burst among us on the hill-side we made up our minds that 
we had better settle down to solid siege work.  All of the men who were not in the 
trenches I took off to the right, back of the Gatling guns, where there was a valley, and 
dispersed them by troops in sheltered parts. It took us an hour or two's experimenting 
to find out exactly what spots were free from danger, because some of the Spanish 
sharp-shooters were in trees in our front, where we could not possibly place them from 
the trenches; and these were able to reach little hollows and depressions where the 
men were entirely safe from the Spanish artillery and from their trench-fire.  Moreover, 
in one hollow, which we thought safe, the Spaniards succeeded in dropping a shell, a 
fragment of which went through the head of one of my men, who, astonishing to say, 
lived, although unconscious, for two hours afterward.  Finally, I got all eight troops 
settled, and the men promptly proceeded to make themselves as much at home as 
possible.  For the next twenty-four hours, however, the amount of comfort was small, 
as in the way of protection and covering we only had what blankets, rain-coats, and 
hammocks we took from the dead Spaniards. Ammunition, which was, of course, the 
most vital need, was brought up in abundance; but very little food reached us.  That 
afternoon we had just enough to allow each man for his supper two hardtacks, and 
one hardtack extra for every four men.

	During the first night we had dug trenches sufficient in length and depth to shelter 
our men and insure safety against attack, but we had not put in any traverses or 
approaches, nor had we arranged the trenches at all points in the best places for 
offensive work; for we were working at night on ground which we had but partially 
explored.  Later on an engineer officer stated that he did not think our work had been 
scientific; and I assured him that I did not doubt that he was right, for I had never 
before seen a trench, excepting those we captured from the Spaniards, or heard of a 
traverse, save as I vaguely remembered reading about them in books.  For such work 
as we were engaged in, however, the problem of intrenchment was comparatively 
simple, and the work we did proved entirely adequate.  No man in my regiment was 
ever hit in the trenches or going in or out of them.

	But on the first day there was plenty of excitement connected with relieving the 
firing line.  Under the intense heat, crowded down in cramped attitudes in the rank, 
newly dug, poisonous soil of the trenches, the men needed to be relieved every six 
hours or so.  Accordingly, in the late morning, and again in the afternoon, I arranged 
for their release.  On each occasion I waited until there was a lull in the firing and then 
started a sudden rush by the relieving party, who tumbled into the trenches every 
which way.  The movement resulted on each occasion in a terrific outburst of fire from 
the Spanish lines, which proved quite harmless; and as it gradually died away the men 
who had been relieved got out as best they could.  Fortunately, by the next day I was 
able to abandon this primitive, though thrilling and wholly novel, military method of 
relief.

	When the hardtack came up that afternoon I felt much sympathy for the hungry 
unfortunates in the trenches and hated to condemn them to six hours more without 
food; but I did not know how to get food into them.  Little McGinty, the bronco buster, 
volunteered to make the attempt, and I gave him permission.  He simply took a case of 
hardtack in his arms and darted toward the trenches.  The distance was but short, and 
though there was an outburst of fire, he was actually missed.  One bullet, however, 
passed through the case of hardtack just before he disappeared with it into the trench.  
A trooper named Shanafelt repeated the feat, later, with a pail of coffee.  Another 
trooper, George King, spent a leisure hour in the rear making soup out of some rice 
and other stuff he found in a Spanish house; he brought some of it to General Wood, 
Jack Greenway, and myself, and nothing could have tasted more delicious.

	At this time our army in the trenches numbered about 11,000 men; and the 
Spaniards in Santiago about 9,000, ^* their reinforcements having just arrived.  
Nobody on the firing line, whatever was the case in the rear, felt the slightest 
uneasiness as to the Spaniards being able to break out; but there were plenty who 
doubted the advisability of trying to rush the heavy earthworks and wire defences in 
our front.

	[Footnote *: This is probably an understatement.  Lieutenant Muller, in chap. 
xxxviii. of his book, says that there were "eight or nine thousand;" this is exclusive of 
the men from the fleet, and apparently also of many of the volunteers (see chap. xiv.), 
all of whom were present on July 2d.  I am inclined to think that on the evening of that 
day there were more Spanish troops inside Santiago than there were American troops 
outside.]

	All day long the firing continued - musketry and cannon.  Our artillery gave up the 
attempt to fight on the firing line, and was withdrawn well to the rear out of range of the 
Spanish rifles; so far as we could see, it accomplished very little.  The dynamite gun 
was brought up to the right of the regimental line.  It was more effective than the 
regular artillery because it was fired with smokeless powder, and as it was used like a 
mortar from behind the hill, it did not betray its presence, and those firing it suffered no 
loss.  Every few shots it got out of order, and the Rough Rider machinists and those 
furnished by Lieutenant Parker - whom we by this time began to consider as an 
exceedingly valuable member of our own regiment - would spend an hour or two in 
setting it right.  Sergeant Borrowe had charge of it and handled it well.  With him was 
Sergeant Guitilias, a gallant old fellow, a veteran of the Civil War, whose duties were 
properly those of standard-bearer, he having charge of the yellow cavalry standard of 
the regiment; but in the Cuban campaign he was given the more active work of helping 
run the dynamite gun. The shots from the dynamite gun made a terrific explosion, but 
they did not seem to go accurately.  Once one of them struck a Spanish trench and 
wrecked part of it.  On another occasion one struck a big building, from which there 
promptly swarmed both Spanish cavalry and infantry, on whom the Colt automatic 
guns played with good effect, during the minute that elapsed before they could get 
other cover.

	These Colt automatic guns were not, on the whole, very successful. The gun 
detail was under the charge of Sergeant (afterward Lieutenant) Tiffany, assisted by 
some of our best men, like Stephens, Crowninshield, Bradley, Smith, and Herrig.  The 
guns were mounted on tripods.  They were too heavy for men to carry any distance 
and we could not always get mules. They would have been more effective if mounted 
on wheels, as the Gatlings were.  Moreover, they proved more delicate than the 
Gatlings, and very readily got out of order.  A further and serious disadvantage was 
that they did not use the Krag ammunition, as the Gatlings did, but the Mauser 
ammunition.  The Spanish cartridges which we captured came in quite handily for this 
reason.  Parker took the same fatherly interest in these two Colts that he did in the 
dynamite gun, and finally I put all three and their men under his immediate care, so 
that he had a battery of seven guns.

	In fact, I think Parker deserved rather more credit than any other one man in the 
entire campaign.  I do not allude especially to his courage and energy, great though 
they were, for there were hundreds of his fellow-officers of the cavalry and infantry who 
possessed as much of the former quality, and scores who possessed as much of the 
latter; but he had the rare good judgment and foresight to see the possibilities of the 
machine-guns, and, thanks to the aid of General Shafter, he was able to organize his 
battery.  He then, by his own exertions, got it to the front and proved that it could do 
invaluable work on the field of battle, as much in attack as in defence.  Parker's 
Gatlings were our inseparable companions throughout the siege.  After our trenches 
were put in final shape, he took off the wheels of a couple and placed them with our 
own two Colts in the trenches.  His gunners slept beside the Rough Riders in the 
bomb-proofs, and the men shared with one another when either side got a supply of 
beans or of coffee and sugar; for Parker was as wide-awake and energetic in getting 
food for his men as we prided ourselves upon being in getting food for ours.  Besides, 
he got oil, and let our men have plenty for their rifles.  At no hour of the day or night 
was Parker anywhere but where we wished him to be in the event of an attack.  If I 
was ordered to send a troop of Rough Riders to guard some road or some break in the 
lines, we usually got Parker to send a Gatling along, and whether the change was 
made by day or by night, the Gatling went, over any ground and in any weather. He 
never exposed the Gatlings needlessly or unless there was some object to be gained, 
but if serious fighting broke out, he always took a hand. Sometimes this fighting would 
be the result of an effort on our part to quell the fire from the Spanish trenches; 
sometimes the Spaniards took the initiative; but at whatever hour of the twenty-four 
serious fighting began, the drumming of the Gatlings was soon heard through the 
cracking of our own carbines.

   See--Bomb-Proofs, July 1st: Bomb-proofs behind the main trenches before 
Santiago. The position taken by the Rough Riders in their second charge on July 1st.


	I have spoken thus of Parker's Gatling detachment.  How can I speak highly 
enough of the regular cavalry with whom it was our good fortune to serve?  I do not 
believe that in any army of the world could be found a more gallant and soldierly body 
of fighters than the officers and men of the First. Third, Sixth, Ninth, and Tenth United 
States Cavalry, beside whom we marched to blood-bought victory under the tropic 
skies of Santiago. The American regular sets the standard of excellence.  When we 
wish to give the utmost possible praise to a volunteer organization, we say that it is as 
good as the regulars.  I was exceedingly proud of the fact that the regulars treated my 
regiment as on a complete equality with themselves, and were as ready to see it in a 
post of danger and responsibility as to see any of their own battalions.  Lieutenant 
Colonel Dorst, a man from whom praise meant a good deal, christened us "the 
Eleventh United States Horse," and we endeavored, I think I may say successfully, to 
show that we deserved the title by our conduct, not only in fighting and in marching, 
but in guarding the trenches and in policing camp.  In less than sixty days the regiment 
had been raised, organized, armed, equipped, drilled, mounted, dismounted, kept for a 
fortnight on transports, and put through two victorious aggressive fights in very difficult 
country, the loss in killed and wounded amounting to a quarter of those engaged.  This 
is a record which it is not easy to match in the history of volunteer organizations. The 
loss was but small compared to that which befell hundreds of regiments in some of the 
great battles of the later years of the Civil War; but it may be doubted whether there 
was any regiment which made such a record during the first months of any of our 
wars.

	After the battle of San Juan my men had really become veterans; they and I 
understood each other perfectly, and trusted each other implicitly; they knew I would 
share every hardship and danger with them, would do everything in my power to see 
that they were fed, and so far as might be, sheltered and spared; and in return I knew 
that they would endure every kind of hardship and fatigue without a murmur and face 
every danger with entire fearlessness.  I felt utter confidence in them, and would have 
been more than willing to put them to any task which any crack regiment of the world, 
at home or abroad, could perform.  They were natural fighters, men of great 
intelligence, great courage, great hardihood, and physical prowess; and I could draw 
on these qualities an  upon their spirit of ready, soldierly obedience to make up for any 
deficiencies in the technique of the trade which they had temporarily adopted.  It must 
be remembered that they were already good individual fighters, skilled in the use of the 
horse and the rifle, so that there was no need of putting them through the kind of 
training in which the ordinary raw recruit must spend his first year or two.

	On July 2d, as the day wore on, the fight, though raging fitfully at intervals, 
gradually died away.  The Spanish guerillas were causing us much trouble.  They 
showed great courage, exactly as did their soldiers who were defending the trenches.  
In fact, the Spaniards throughout showed precisely the qualities they did early in the 
century, when, as every student will remember, their fleets were a helpless prey to the 
English war-ships, and their armies utterly unable to stand in the open against those of 
Napoleon's marshals, while on the other hand their guerillas performed marvellous 
feats, and their defence of intrenchments and walled towns, as at Saragossa and 
Gerona, were the wonder of the civilized world.

	In our front their sharp-shooters crept up before dawn and either lay in the thick 
jungle or climbed into some tree with dense foliage.  In these places it proved almost 
impossible to place them, as they kept cover very carefully, and their smokeless 
powder betrayed not the slightest sign of their whereabouts.  They caused us a great 
deal of annoyance and some little loss, and though our own sharp-shooters were 
continually taking shots at the places where they supposed them to be, and though 
occasionally we would play a Gatling or a Colt all through the top of a suspicious tree, I 
but twice saw Spaniards brought down out of their perches from in front of our lines - 
on each occasion the fall of the Spaniard being hailed with loud cheers by our men.

	These sharp-shooters in our front did perfectly legitimate work, and were entitled 
to all credit for their courage and skill.  It was different with the guerillas in our rear.  
Quite a number of these had been posted in trees at the time of the San Juan fight.  
They were using, not Mausers, but Remingtons, which shot smokeless powder and a 
brass-coated bullet.  It was one of these bullets which had hit Winslow Clark by my 
side on Kettle Hill; and though for long-range fighting the Remingtons were, of course, 
nothing like as good as the Mausers, they were equally serviceable for short-range 
bush work, as they used smokeless powder.  When our troops advanced and the 
Spaniards in the trenches and in reserve behind the hill fled, the guerrillas in the trees 
had no time to get away and in consequence were left in the rear of our lines.  As we 
found out from the prisoners we took, the Spanish officers had been careful to instil 
into the minds of their soldiers the belief that the Americans never granted quarter, and 
I suppose it was in consequence of this that the guerrillas did not surrender; for we 
found that the Spaniards were anxious enough to surrender as soon as they became 
convinced that we would treat them mercifully.  At any rate, these guerrillas kept up in 
their trees and showed not only courage but wanton cruelty and barbarity.  At times 
they fired upon armed men in bodies, but they much preferred for their victims the 
unarmed attendants, the doctors, the chaplains, the hospital stewards.  They fired at 
the men who were bearing off the wounded in litters; they fired at the doctors who 
came to the front, and at the chaplains who started to hold burial service; the 
conspicuous Red Cross brassard worn by all of these non-combatants, instead of 
serving as a protection, seemed to make them the special objects of the guerilla fire.  
So annoying did they become that I sent out that afternoon and next morning a detail 
of picked sharp-shooters to hunt them out, choosing, of course, first-class woodsmen 
and mountain men who were also good shots.  My sharp-shooters felt very vindictively 
toward these guerrillas and showed them no quarter.  They started systematically to 
hunt them, and showed themselves much superior at the guerrillas' own game, killing 
eleven, while not one of my men was scratched.  Two of the men who did 
conspicuously good service in this work were Troopers Goodwin and Proffit, both of 
Arizona, but one by birth a Californian and the other a North Carolinian.  Goodwin was 
a natural shot, not only with the rifle and revolver, but with the sling.  Proffit might have 
stood as a type of the mountaineers described by John Fox and Miss Murfree.  He was 
a tall, sinewy, handsome man of remarkable strength, an excellent shot and a 
thoroughly good soldier.  His father had been a Confederate officer, rising from the 
ranks, and if the war had lasted long enough the son would have risen in the same 
manner.  As it was, I should have been glad to have given him a commission, exactly 
as I should have been glad to have given a number of others in the regiment 
commissions, if I had only had them.  Proffit was a saturnine, reserved man, who 
afterward fell very sick with the fever, and who, as a reward for his soldierly good 
conduct, was often granted unusual privileges; but he took the fever and the privileges 
with the same iron indifference, never grumbling, and never expressing satisfaction.

	The sharp-shooters returned by nightfall.  Soon afterward I established my 
pickets and outposts well to the front in the jungle, so as to prevent all possibility of 
surprise.  After dark, fires suddenly shot up on the mountain passes far to our right.  
They all rose together and we could make nothing of them.  After a good deal of 
consultation, we decided they must be some signals to the Spaniards in Santiago, 
from the troops marching to reinforce them from without - for we were ignorant that the 
reinforcements had already reached the city, the Cubans being quite unable to prevent 
the Spanish regulars from marching wherever they wished.  While we were thus 
pondering over the watch-fires and attributing them to Spanish machinations of some 
sort, it appears that the Spaniards, equally puzzled, were setting them down as an 
attempt at communication between the insurgents and our army.  Both sides were 
accordingly on the alert, and the Spaniards must have strengthened their outlying 
parties in the jungle ahead of us, for they suddenly attacked one of our pickets, 
wounding Crockett seriously.  He was brought in by the other troopers.  Evidently the 
Spanish lines felt a little nervous, for this sputter of shooting was immediately followed 
by a tremendous fire of great guns and rifles from their trenches and batteries.  Our 
men in the trenches responded heavily, and word was sent back, not only to me, but to 
the commanders in the rear of the regiments along our line, that the Spaniards were 
attacking.  It was imperative to see what was really going on, so I ran up to the 
trenches and looked out.  At night it was far easier to place the Spanish lines than by 
day, because the flamespurts shone in the darkness.  I could soon tell that there were 
bodies of Spanish pickets or skirmishers in the jungle-covered valley, between their 
lines and ours, but that the bulk of the fire came from their trenches and showed not 
the slightest symptom of advancing; moreover, as is generally the case it night, the fire 
was almost all high, passing well overhead, with an occasional bullet near by.

	I came to the conclusion that there was no use in our firing back under such 
circumstances; and I could tell that the same conclusion had been reached by Captain 
Ayres of the Tenth Cavalry on the right of my line, for even above the cracking of the 
carbines rose the Captain's voice as with varied and picturesque language he bade his 
black troopers cease firing.  The Captain was as absolutely fearless as a man can be.  
He had command of his regimental trenches that night, and, having run up at the first 
alarm, had speedily satisfied himself that no particular purpose was served by blazing 
away in the dark, when the enormous majority of the Spaniards were simply shooting 
at random from their own trenches, and, if they ever had thought of advancing, had 
certainly given up the idea.  His troopers were devoted to him, would follow him 
anywhere, and would do anything he said; but when men get firing at night it is rather 
difficult to stop them, especially when the fire of the enemy in front continues 
unabated.  When he first reached the trenches it was impossible to say whether or not 
there was an actual night attack impending, and he had been instructing his men, as I 
instructed mine, to fire low, cutting the grass in front.  As soon as he became 
convinced that there was no night attack, he ran up and down the line adjuring and 
commanding the troopers to cease shooting, with words and phrases which were 
doubtless not wholly unlike those which the Old Guard really did use at Waterloo.  As I 
ran down my own line, I could see him coming up his, and he saved me all trouble in 
stopping the fire at the right, where the lines met, for my men there all dropped 
everything to listen to him and cheer and laugh.  Soon we got the troopers in hand, 
and made them cease firing; then, after awhile, the Spanish fire died down.  At the 
time we spoke of this as a night attack by the Spaniards, but it really was not an attack 
at all.  Ever after my men had a great regard for Ayres, and would have followed him 
anywhere.  I shall never forget the way in which he scolded his huge, devoted black 
troopers, generally ending with "I'm ashamed of you, ashamed of you!  I wouldn't have 
believed it! Firing; when I told you to stop!  I'm ashamed of you!"



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter V: In The Trenches
      
Part II

	That night we spent in perfecting the trenches and arranging entrances to them, 
doing about as much work as we had the preceding night.  Greenway and Goodrich, 
from their energy, eagerness to do every duty, and great physical strength, were 
peculiarly useful in this work; as, indeed, they were in all work.  They had been up 
practically the entire preceding night, but they were too good men for me to spare 
them, nor did they wish to be spared; and I kept them up all this night too.  Goodrich 
had also been on guard as officer of the day the night we were at El Poso, so that it 
turned out that he spent nearly four days and three nights with practically hardly any 
sleep at all.

   See--Rough Riders in the trenches: That night we spent in perfecting the 
trenches and arranging entrances to them, doing about as much work as we had the 
preceding night.  Greenway and Goodrich, from their energy, eagerness to do every 
duty, and great physical strength, were peculiarly useful in this work; as, indeed, they 
were in all work.


	Next morning, at daybreak, the firing began again.  This day, the 3d, we suffered 
nothing, save having one man wounded by a sharp-shooter, and, thanks to the 
approaches to the trenches, we were able to relieve the guards without any difficulty.  
The Spanish sharp-shooters in the trees and jungle nearby, however, annoyed us very 
much, and I made preparations to fix them next day. With this end in view I chose out 
some twenty first-class men, in many instances the same that I had sent after the 
guerrillas, and arranged that each should take his canteen and a little food.  They were 
to slip into the jungle between us and the Spanish lines before dawn next morning, and 
there to spend the day, getting as close to the Spanish lines as possible, moving about 
with great stealth, and picking off any hostile sharp-shooter, as well as any soldier who 
exposed himself in the trenches.  I had plenty of men who possessed a training in 
wood-craft that fitted them for this work; and as soon as the rumor got abroad what I 
was planning, volunteers thronged to me. Daniels and Love were two of the men 
always to the front in any enterprise of this nature; so were Wadsworth, the two Bulls, 
Fortescue, and Cowdin.  But I could not begin to name all the troopers who so eagerly 
craved the chance to win honor out of hazard and danger.

	Among them was good, solemn Fred Herrig, the Alsatian.  I knew Fred's patience 
and skill as a hunter from the trips we had taken together after deer and mountain 
sheep through the Bad Lands of the Little Missouri.  He still spoke English with what 
might be called Alsatian variations - he always spoke of the gun detail as the 
"gondetle," with the accent on the first syllable - and he expressed a wish to be 
allowed "a holiday from the gondetle to go after dem gorrillas." I told him he could have 
the holiday, but to his great disappointment the truce came first, and then Fred asked 
that, inasmuch as the "gorrillas" were now forbidden game, he might be allowed to go 
after guinea hens instead.

	Even after the truce, however, some of my sharp-shooters had occupation, for 
two guerrillas in our rear took occasional shots at the men who were bathing in a pond, 
until one of our men spied them, when they were both speedily brought down.  One of 
my riflemen who did best at this kind of work, by the way, got into trouble because of it.  
He was much inflated by my commendation of him, and when he went back to his 
troop he declined to obey the first Sergeant's orders on the ground that he was "the 
Colonel's sharp-shooter." The Lieutenant in command, being somewhat puzzled, 
brought him to me, and I had to explain that if the offence, disobedience of orders in 
face of the enemy, was repeated he might incur the death penalty; whereat he looked 
very crest-fallen.  That afternoon he got permission, like Fred Herrig, to go after 
guinea-hens, which were found wild in some numbers round about; and he sent me 
the only one he got as a peace offering.  The few guinea-hens thus procured were all 
used for the sick.

	Dr. Church had established a little field hospital under the shoulder of the hill in 
our rear.  He was himself very sick and had almost nothing in the way of medicine or 
supplies or apparatus of any kind, but the condition of the wounded in the big field 
hospitals in the rear was so horrible, from the lack of attendants as well as of 
medicines, that we kept all the men we possibly could at the front.  Some of them had 
now begun to come down with fever.  They were all very patient, but it was pitiful to 
see the sick and wounded soldiers lying on their blankets, if they had any, and if not 
then simply in the mud, with nothing to eat but hardtack and pork, which of course they 
could not touch when their fever got high, and with no chance to get more than the 
rudest attention.  Among the very sick here was gallant Captain Llewellen.  I feared he 
was going to die.  We finally had to send him to one of the big hospitals in the rear.  
Doctors Brewer and Fuller of the Tenth had been unwearying in attending to the 
wounded, including many of those of my regiment.

	At twelve o'clock we were notified to stop firing and a flag of truce was sent in to 
demand the surrender of the city.  The negotiations gave us a breathing spell.

	That afternoon I arranged to get our baggage up, sending back strong details of 
men to carry up their own goods, and, as usual, impressing into the service a kind of 
improvised pack-train consisting of the officers' horses, of two or three captured 
Spanish cavalry horses, two or three mules which had been shot and abandoned and 
which our men had taken and cured, and two or three Cuban ponies.  Hitherto we had 
simply been sleeping by the trenches or immediately in their rear, with nothing in the 
way of shelter and only one blanket to every three or four men.  Fortunately there had 
been little rain. We now got up the shelter tents of the men and some flies for the 
hospital and for the officers; and my personal baggage appeared.  I celebrated its 
advent by a thorough wash and shave.

	Later, I twice snatched a few hours to go to the rear and visit such of my men as I 
could find in the hospitals.  Their patience was extraordinary. Kenneth Robinson, a 
gallant young trooper, though himself severely (I supposed at the time mortally) 
wounded, was noteworthy for the way in which he tended those among the wounded 
who were even more helpless, and the cheery courage with which he kept up their 
spirits.  Gievers, who was shot through the hips, rejoined us at the front in a fortnight. 
Captain Day was hardly longer away. Jack Hammer, who, with poor Race Smith, a 
gallant Texas lad who was mortally hurt beside me on the summit of the hill, had been 
on kitchen detail, was wounded and sent to the rear; he was ordered to go to the 
United States, but he heard that we were to assault Santiago, so he struggled out to 
rejoin us, and thereafter stayed at the front.  Cosby, badly wounded, made his way 
down to the sea-coast in three days, unassisted.

	With all volunteer troops, and I am inclined to think with regulars, too, in time of 
trial, the best work can be got out of the men only if the officers endure the same 
hardships and face the same risks.  In my regiment, as in the whole cavalry division, 
the proportion of loss in killed and wounded was considerably greater among the 
officers than among the troopers, and this was exactly as it should be.  Moreover, 
when we got down to hard pan, we all, officers and men, fared exactly alike as regards 
both shelter and food.  This prevented any grumbling.  When the troopers saw that the 
officers had nothing but hardtack, there was not a man in the regiment who would not 
have been ashamed to grumble at faring no worse, and when all alike slept out in the 
open, in the rear of the trenches, and when the men always saw the field officers up at 
night, during the digging of the trenches, and going the rounds of the outposts, they 
would not tolerate, in any of their number, either complaint or shirking work.  When 
things got easier I put up my tent and lived a little apart, for it is a mistake for an officer 
ever to grow too familiar with his men, no matter how good they are; and it is of course 
the greatest possible mistake to seek popularity either by showing weakness or by 
mollycoddling the men. They will never respect a commander who does not enforce 
discipline, who does not know his duty, and who is not willing both himself to 
encounter and to make them encounter every species of danger and hardship when 
necessary.  The soldiers who do not feel this way are not worthy of the name and 
should be handled with iron severity until they become fighting men and not shams.  In 
return the officer should carefully look after his men, should see that they are well fed 
and well sheltered, and that, no matter how much they may grumble, they keep the 
camp thoroughly policed.

	After the cessation of the three days' fighting we began to get out rations 
regularly and had plenty of hardtack and salt pork, and usually about half the ordinary 
amount of sugar and coffee.  It was not a very good ration for the tropics, however, 
and was of very little use indeed to the sick and half sick.  On two or three occasions 
during the siege I got my improvised pack-train together and either took or sent it down 
to the sea-coast for beans, canned tomatoes, and the like.  We got these either from 
the transports which were still landing stores on the beach or from the Red Cross.  If I 
did not go myself I sent some man who had shown that he was a driving, energetic, 
tactful fellow, who would somehow get what we wanted. Chaplain Brown developed 
great capacity in this line, and so did one of the troopers named Knoblauch, he who 
had dived after the rifles that had sunk off the pier at Daiquiri.  The supplies of food we 
got in this way had a very beneficial effect, not only upon the men's health, but upon 
their spirits.  To the Red Cross and similar charitable organizations we owe a great 
deal.  We also owed much to Colonel Weston of the Commissary Department, who 
always helped us and never let himself be hindered by red tape; thus he always let me 
violate the absurd regulation which forbade me, even in war time, to purchase food for 
my men from the stores, although letting me purchase for the officers.  I, of course, 
paid no heed to the regulation when by violating it I could get beans, canned tomatoes, 
or tobacco.  Sometimes I used my own money, sometimes what was given me by 
Woody Kane, or what was sent me by my brother-in-law, Douglas Robinson, or by the 
other Red Cross people in New York.  My regiment did not fare very well; but I think it 
fared better than any other.  Of course no one would have minded in the least such 
hardships as we endured had there been any need of enduring them; but there was 
none.  System and sufficiency of transportation were all that were needed.

	On one occasion a foreign military attache visited my head-quarters together with 
a foreign correspondent who had been through the Turco-Greek war.  They were both 
most friendly critics, and as they knew I was aware of this, the correspondent finally 
ventured the remark, that he thought our soldiers fought even better than the Turks, 
but that on the whole our system of military administration seemed rather worse than 
that of the Greeks.  As a nation we had prided ourselves on our business ability and 
adroitness in the arts of peace, while outsiders, at any rate, did not credit us with any 
especial warlike prowess; and it was curious that when war came we should have 
broken down precisely on the business and administrative side, while the fighting edge 
of the troops certainly left little to be desired.

	I was very much touched by the devotion my men showed to me.  After they had 
once become convinced that I would share their hardships, they made it a point that I 
should not suffer any hardships at all; and I really had an extremely easy time.  
Whether I had any food or not myself made no difference, as there were sure to be 
certain troopers, and, indeed, certain troop messes, on the lookout for me.  If they had 
any beans they would send me over a cupful, or I would suddenly receive a present of 
doughnuts from some ex-roundup cook who had succeeded in obtaining a little flour 
and sugar, and if a man shot a guinea-hen it was all I could do to make him keep half 
of it for himself.  Wright, the color sergeant, and Henry Bardshar, my orderly, always 
pitched and struck my tent and built me a bunk of bamboo poles, whenever we 
changed camp.  So I personally endured very little discomfort; for, of course, no one 
minded the two or three days preceding or following each fight, when we all had to get 
along as best we could.  Indeed, as long as we were under fire or in the immediate 
presence of the enemy, and I had plenty to do, there was nothing of which I could 
legitimately complain; and what I really did regard as hardships, my men did not object 
to - for later on, when we had some leisure, I would have given much for complete 
solitude and some good books.

	Whether there was a truce, or whether, as sometimes happened, we were 
notified that there was no truce but merely a further cessation of hostilities by tacit 
agreement, or whether the fight was on, we kept equally vigilant watch, especially at 
night.  In the trenches every fourth man kept awake, the others sleeping beside or 
behind him on their rifles; and the Cossack posts and pickets were pushed out in 
advance beyond the edge of the jungle.  At least once a night at some irregular hour I 
tried to visit every part of our line, especially if it was dark and rainy, although 
sometimes, when the lines were in charge of some officer like Wilcox or Kane, 
Greenway or Goodrich, I became lazy, took off my boots, and slept all night through.  
Sometimes at night I went not only along the lines of our own brigade, but of the 
brigades adjoining.  It was a matter of pride, not only with me, but with all our men, that 
the lines occupied by the Rough Riders should be at least as vigilantly guarded as the 
lines of any regular regiment.

	Sometimes at night, when I met other officers inspecting their lines, we would sit 
and talk over matters, and wonder what shape the outcome of the siege would take.  
We knew we would capture Santiago, but exactly how we would do it we could not tell.  
The failure to establish any depot for provisions on the fighting-line, where there was 
hardly ever more than twenty-four hours' food ahead, made the risk very serious.  If a 
hurricane had struck the transports, scattering them to the four winds, or if three days 
of heavy rain had completely broken up our communication, as they assuredly would 
have done, we would have been at starvation point on the front; and while, of course, 
we would have lived through it somehow and would have taken the city, it would only 
have been after very disagreeable experiences.  As soon as I was able I accumulated 
for my own regiment about forty-eight hours' hardtack and salt pork, which I kept so far 
as possible intact to provide against any emergency.

	If the city could be taken without direct assault on the intrenchments and wire 
entanglements, we earnestly hoped it would be, for such an assault meant, as we 
knew by past experience, the loss of a quarter of the attacking regiments (and we were 
bound that the Rough Riders should be one of these attacking regiments, if the attack 
had to be made).  There was, of course, nobody who would not rather have assaulted 
than have run the risk of failure; but we hoped the city would fall without need arising 
for us to suffer the great loss of life which a further assault would have entailed.

	Naturally, the colonels and captains had nothing to say in the peace negotiations 
which dragged along for the week following the sending in the flag of truce.  Each day 
we expected either to see the city surrender, or to be told to begin fighting again, and 
toward the end it grew so irksome that we would have welcomed even an assault in 
preference to further inaction.  I used to discuss matters with the officers of my own 
regiment now and then, and with a few of the officers of the neighboring regiments with 
whom I had struck up a friendship - Parker, Stevens, Beck, Ayres Morton, and 
Boughton.  I also saw a good deal of the excellent officers on the staffs of Generals 
Wheeler and Summer, especially Colonel Dorst, Colonel Garlington, Captain Howze, 
Captain Steele, Lieutenant Andrews, and Captain Astor Chanler, who, like myself, was 
a volunteer.  Chanler was an old friend and a fellow big-game hunter, who had done 
some good exploring work in Africa.  I always wished I could have had him in my 
regiment.  As for Dorst, he was peculiarly fitted to command a regiment. Although 
Howze and Andrews were not in my brigade, I saw a great deal of them, especially of 
Howze, who would have made a nearly ideal regimental commander. They were both 
natural cavalry-men and of most enterprising natures, ever desirous of pushing to the 
front and of taking the boldest course.  The view Howze always took of every 
emergency (a view which found prompt expression in his actions when the opportunity 
offered) made me feel like an elderly conservative.

	The week of non-fighting was not all a period of truce; part of the time was 
passed under a kind of nondescript arrangement, when we were told not to attack 
ourselves, but to be ready at any moment to repulse an attack and to make 
preparations for meeting it.  During these times I busied myself in putting our trenches 
into first-rate shape and in building bomb-proofs and traverses.  One night I got a detail 
of sixty men from the First, Ninth, and Tenth, whose officers always helped us in every 
way, and with these, and with sixty of my own men, I dug a long, zigzag trench in 
advance of the salient of my line out to a knoll well in front, from which we could 
command the Spanish trenches and block-houses immediately ahead of us.  On this 
knoll we made a kind of bastion consisting of a deep, semi-circular trench with sand-
bags arranged along the edge so as to constitute a wall with loop-holes.  Of course, 
when I came to dig this trench, I kept both Greenway and Goodrich supervising the 
work all night, and equally of course I got Parker and Stevens to help me.  By 
employing as many men as we did we were able to get the work so far advanced as to 
provide against interruption before the moon rose, which was about midnight.  Our 
pickets were thrown far out in the jungle, to keep back the Spanish pickets and prevent 
any interference with the diggers.  The men seemed to think the work rather good fun 
than otherwise, the possibility of a brush with the Spaniards lending a zest that 
prevented its growing monotonous.

	Parker had taken two of his Gatlings, removed the wheels, and mounted them in 
the trenches; also mounting the two automatic Colts where he deemed they could do 
best service.  With the completion of the trenches, bomb-proofs, and traverses, and 
the mounting of these guns, the fortifications of the hill assumed quite a respectable 
character, and the Gatling men christened it Fort Roosevelt, by which name it 
afterward went. ^*

	[Footnote *: See Parker's "With the Gatlings at Santiago."]

	During the truce various military attaches and foreign officers came out to visit 
us.  Two or three of the newspaper men, including Richard Harding Davis, Caspar 
Whitney, and John Fox, had already been out to see us, and had been in the trenches 
during the firing.  Among the others were Captains Lee and Paget of the British army 
and navy, fine fellows, who really seemed to take as much pride in the feats of our 
men as if we had been bound together by the ties of a common nationality instead of 
the ties of race and speech kinship.  Another English visitor was Sir Bryan Leighton, a 
thrice-welcome guest, for he most thoughtfully brought to me half a dozen little jars of 
devilled ham and potted fruit, which enabled me to summon various officers down to 
my tent and hold a feast.  Count von Gotzen, and a Norwegian attache, Gedde, very 
good fellows both, were also out.  One day we were visited by a travelling Russian, 
Prince X., a large, blond man, smooth and impenetrable.  I introduced him to one of 
the regular army officers, a capital fighter and excellent fellow, who, however, viewed 
foreign international politics from a strictly trans-Mississippi stand-point.  He hailed the 
Russian with frank kindness and took him off to show him around the trenches, 
chatting volubly, and calling him "Prince," much as Kentuckians call one another 
"Colonel." As I returned I heard him remarking: "You see, Prince, the great result of 
this war is that it has united the two branches of the Anglo-Saxon people; and now that 
they are together they can whip the world, Prince!  they can whip the world!" - being 
evidently filled with the pleasing belief that the Russian would cordially sympathize with 
this view.

	The foreign attaches did not always get on well with our generals. The two 
English representatives never had any trouble, were heartily admired by everybody, 
and, indeed, were generally treated as if they were of our own number; and seemingly 
so regarded themselves.  But this was not always true of the representatives from 
Continental Europe.  One of the latter - a very good fellow, by the way - had not 
altogether approved of the way he was treated, and the climax came when he said 
good-by to the General who had special charge of him.  The General in question was 
not accustomed to nice ethnic distinctions, and grouped all of the representatives from 
Continental Europe under the comprehensive title of "Dutchmen." When the attache in 
question came to say farewell, the General responded with a bluff heartiness, in which 
perhaps the note of sincerity was more conspicuous than that of entire good breeding: 
"Well, good-by; sorry you're going; which are you anyhow - the German or the 
Russian?"

	Shortly after midday on the 10th fighting began again, but it soon became evident 
that the Spaniards did not have much heart in it.  The American field artillery was now 
under the command of General Randolph, and he fought it effectively.  A mortar 
battery had also been established, though with an utterly inadequate supply of 
ammunition, and this rendered some service. Almost the only Rough Riders who had a 
chance to do much firing were the men with the Colt automatic guns, and the twenty 
picked sharp-shooters, who were placed in the newly dug little fort out at the extreme 
front.  Parker had a splendid time with the Gatlings and the Colts. With these machine 
guns he completely silenced the battery in front of us. This battery had caused us a 
good deal of trouble at first, as we could not place it.  It was immediately in front of the 
hospital, from which many Red Cross flags were flying, one of them floating just above 
this battery, from where we looked at it.  In consequence, for some time, we did not 
know it was a hostile battery at all, as, like all the other Spanish batteries, it was using 
smokeless powder.  It was only by the aid of powerful glasses that we finally 
discovered its real nature.  The Gatlings and Colts then actually put it out of action, 
silencing the big guns and the two field-pieces.  Furthermore, the machine guns and 
our sharp-shooters together did good work in supplementing the effects of the 
dynamite gun; for when a shell from the latter struck near a Spanish trench, or a 
building in which there were Spanish troops, the shock was seemingly so great that 
the Spaniards almost always showed themselves, and gave our men a chance to do 
some execution.

	As the evening of the 10th came on, the men began to make their coffee in 
sheltered places.  By this time they knew hhw to take care of themselves so well that 
not a man was touched by the Spaniards during the second bombardment.  While I 
was lying with the officers just outside one of the bomb-proofs I saw a New Mexican 
trooper named Morrison making his coffee under the protection of a traverse high up 
on the hill.  Morrison was originally a Baptist preacher who had joined the regiment 
purely from a sense of duty, leaving his wife and children, and had shown himself to be 
an excellent soldier.  He had evidently exactly calculated the danger zone, and found 
that by getting close to the traverse he could sit up erect and make ready his supper 
without being cramped.  I watched him solemnly pounding the coffee with the butt end 
of his revolver, and then boiling the water and frying his bacon, just as if he had been 
in the lee of the roundup wagon somewhere out on the plains.

   See--St. Guitilias, a veteren of the Civil War, and Trooper Morrison, formerly a 
Baptist minister: While I was lying with the officers just outside one of the bomb-proofs 
I saw a New Mexican trooper named Morrison making his coffee under the protection 
of a traverse high up on the hill.  Morrison was originally a Baptist preacher who had 
joined the regiment purely from a sense of duty, leaving his wife and children, and had 
shown himself to be an excellent soldier.


	By noon of next day, the 11th, my regiment with one of the Gatlings was shifted 
over to the right to guard the Caney road.  We did no fighting in our new position, for 
the last straggling shot had been fired by the time we got there.  That evening there 
came up the worst storm we had had, and by midnight my tent blew over.  I had for the 
first time in a fortnight undressed myself completely, and I felt fully punished for my 
love of luxury when I jumped out into the driving downpour of tropic rain, and groped 
blindly in the darkness for my clothes as they lay in the liquid mud.  It was Kane's night 
on guard, and I knew the wretched Woody would be out along the line and taking care 
of the pickets, no matter what the storm might be; and so I basely made my way to the 
kitchen tent, where good Holderman, the Cherokee, wrapped me in dry blankets, and 
put me to sleep on a table which he had just procured from an abandoned Spanish 
house.

	On the 17th the city formally surrendered and our regiment, like the rest of the 
army, was drawn up on the trenches.  When the American flag was hoisted the 
trumpets blared and the men cheeredh and we knew that the fighting part of our work 
was over.

	Shortly after we took our new position the First Illinois Volunteers came up on our 
right.  The next day, as a result of the storm and of further rain, the rivers were up and 
the roads quagmires, so that hardly any food reached the front.  My regiment was all 
right, as we had provided for just such an emergency; but the Illinois newcomers had 
of course not done so, and they were literally without anything to eat.  They were fine 
fellows and we could not see them suffer.  I furnished them some beans and coffee for 
the elder officers and two or three cases of hardtack for the men, and then mounted 
my horse and rode down to head-quarters, half fording, half swimming the streams; 
and late in the evening I succeeded in getting half a mule-train of provisions for them.

	On the morning of the 3d the Spaniards had sent out of Santiago many 
thousands of women, children, and other non-combatants, most of them belonging to 
the poorer classes, but among them not a few of the best families.  These wretched 
creatures took very little with them.  They came through our lines and for the most part 
went to El Caney in our rear, where we had to feed them and protect them from the 
Cubans.  As we had barely enough food for our own men the rations of the refugees 
were scanty indeed and their sufferings great. Long before the surrender they had 
begun to come to our lines to ask for provisions, and my men gave them a good deal 
out of their own scanty stores, until I had positively to forbid it and to insist that the 
refugees should go to head-quarters; as, however hard and merciless it seemed, I was 
in duty bound to keep my own regiment at the highest pitch of fighting efficiency.

	As soon as the surrender was assured the refugees came streaming back in an 
endless squalid procession down the Caney road to Santiago.  My troopers, for all 
their roughness and their ferocity in fight, were rather tender-hearted than otherwise, 
and they helped the poor creatures, especially the women and children, in every way, 
giving them food and even carrying the children and the burdens borne by the women.  
I saw one man, Happy Jack, spend the entire day in walking to and fro for about a 
quarter of a mile on both sides of our lines along the road, carrying the bundles for a 
series of poor old women, or else carrying young children.  Finally the doctor warned 
us that we must not touch the bundles of the refugees for fear of infection, as disease 
had broken out and was rife among them. Accordingly I had to put a stop to these acts 
of kindness on the part of my men; against which action Happy Jack respectfully but 
strongly protested upon the unexpected ground that "The Almighty would never let a 
man catch a disease while he was doing a good action." I did not venture to take so 
advanced a theological stand.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter VI: The Return Home
      
Part I

	Two or three days after the surrender the cavalry division was marched back to 
the foothills west of El Caney, and there went into camp, together with the artillery.  It 
was a most beautiful spot beside a stream of clear water, but it was not healthy.  In 
fact no ground in the neighborhood was healthy.  For the tropics the climate was not 
bad, and I have no question but that a man who was able to take good care of himself 
could live there all the year round with comparative impunity; but the case was entirely 
different with an army which was obliged to suffer great exposure, and to live under 
conditions which almost insured being attacked by the severe malarial fever of the 
country.  My own men were already suffering badly from fever, and they got worse 
rather than better in the new camp.  The same was true of the other regiments in the 
cavalry division.  A curious feature was that the colored troops seemed to suffer as 
heavily as the white.  From week to week there were slight relative changes, but on the 
average all the six cavalry regiments, the Rough Riders, the white regulars, and the 
colored regulars seemed to suffer about alike, and we were all very much weakened; 
about as much as the regular infantry, although naturally not as much as the voluntary 
infantry.

	Yet even under such circumstances adventurous spirits managed to make their 
way out to us.  In the fortnight following the last bombardment of the city I enlisted no 
less than nine such recruits, six being from Harvard, Yale, or Princeton; and Bull, the 
former Harvard oar, who had been back to the States crippled after the first fight, 
actually got back to us as a stowaway on one of the transports, bound to share the 
luck of the regiment, even if it meant yellow fever.

	There were but twelve ambulances with the army, and these were quite 
inadequate for their work; but the conditions in the large field hospitals were so bad, 
that as long as possible we kept all of our sick men in the regimental hospital at the 
front.  Dr. Church did splendid work, although he himself was suffering much more 
than half the time from fever.  Several of the men from the ranks did equally well, 
especially a young doctor from New York, Harry Thorpe, who had enlisted as a 
trooper, but who was now made acting assistant-surgeon.  It was with the greatest 
difficulty that Church and Thorpe were able to get proper medicine for the sick, and it 
was almost the last day of our stay before we were able to get cots for them.  Up to 
that time they lay on the ground.  No food was issued suitable for them, or for the half-
sick men who were not on the doctor's list; the two classes by this time included the 
bulk of the command.  Occasionally we got hold of a wagon or of some Cuban carts, 
and at other times I used my improvised pack-train (the animals of which, however, 
were continually being taken away from us by our superiors) and went or sent back to 
the sea-coast at Siboney or into Santiago itself to get rice, flour, cornmeal, oatmeal, 
condensed milk, potatoes, and canned vegetables.  The rice I bought in Santiago; the 
best of the other stuff I got from the Red Cross through Mr. George Kennan and Miss 
Clara Barton and Dr. Lesser; but some of it I got from our own transports.  Colonel 
Weston, the Commissary-General, as always, rendered us every service in his power.  
This additional and varied food was of the utmost service, not merely to the sick but in 
preventing the well from becoming sick.  Throughout the campaign the Division 
Inspector-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Garlington, and Lieutenants West and 
Dickman, the acting division quartermaster and commissary, had done everything in 
their power to keep us supplied with food; but where there were so few mules and 
wagons even such able and zealous officers could not do the impossible.

	We had the camp policed thoroughly, and I made the men build little bunks of 
poles to sleep on.  By July 23d, when we had been ashore a month, we were able to 
get fresh meat, and from that time on we fared well; but the men were already 
sickening.  The chief trouble was the malarial fever, which was recurrent.  For a few 
days the man would be very sick indeed; then he would partially recover, and be able 
to go back to work; but after a little time he would be again struck down.  Every officer 
other than myself except one was down with sickness at one time or another.  Even 
Greenway and Goodrich succumbed to the fever and were knocked out for a few days.  
Very few of the men indeed retained their strength and energy, and though the 
percentage actually on the sick list never got over twenty, there were less than fifty per 
cent. who were fit for any kind of work. All the clothes were in rags; even the officers 
had neither socks nor underwear.  The lithe college athletes had lost their spring; the 
tall, gaunt hunters and cow-punchers lounged listlessly in their dog-tents, which were 
steaming morasses during the torrential rains, and then ovens when the sun blazed 
down; but there were no complaints.

	Through some blunder our march from the entrenchments to the camp on the 
foothills, after the surrender, was made during the heat of the day; and though it was 
only some five miles or thereabouts, very nearly half the men of the cavalry division 
dropped out.  Captain Llewellen had come back, and led his troop on the march.  He 
carried a pick and shovel for one of his sick men, and after we reached camp walked 
back with a mule to get another trooper who had fallen out from heat exhaustion.  The 
result was that the captain himself went down and became exceedingly sick.  We at 
last succeeded in sending him to the States.  I never thought he would live, but he did, 
and when I met him again at Montauk Point he had practically entirely recovered.  My 
orderly, Henry Bardshar, was struck down, and though he ultimately recovered, he 
was a mere skeleton, having lost over eighty pounds.

	Yellow fever also broke out in the rear, chiefly among the Cubans.  It never 
became epidemic, but it caused a perfect panic among some of our own doctors, and 
especially in the minds of one or two generals and of the home authorities.  We found 
that whenever we sent a man to the rear he was decreed to have yellow fever, 
whereas, if we kept him at the front, it always turned out that he had malarial fever, 
and after a few days he was back at work again.  I doubt if there were ever more than 
a dozen genuine cases of yellow fever in the whole cavalry division; but the authorities 
at Washington, misled by the reports they received from one or two of their military and 
medical advisers at the front, became panic-struck, and under the influence of their 
fears hesitated to bring the army home, lest it might import yellow fever into the United 
States.  Their panic was absolutely groundless, as shown by the fact that when 
brought home not a single case of yellow fever developed upon American soil.  Our 
real foe was not the yellow fever at all, but malarial fever, which was not infectious, but 
which was certain, if the troops were left throughout the summer in Cuba, to destroy 
them, either killing them outright, or weakening them so that they would have fallen 
victims to any disease that attacked them.

	However, for a time our prospects were gloomy, as the Washington authorities 
seemed determined that we should stay in Cuba.  They unfortunately knew nothing of 
the country nor of the circumstances of the army, and the plans that were from time to 
time formulated in the Department (and even by an occasional general or surgeon at 
the front) for the management of the army would have been comic if they had not 
possessed such tragic possibilities. Thus, at one period it was proposed that we 
should shift camp every two or three days.  Now, our transportation, as I have pointed 
out before, was utterly inadequate.  In theory, under the regulations of the War 
Department, each regiment should have had at least twenty-five wagons.  As a matter 
of fact our regiment often had none, sometimes one, rarely two, and never three; yet it 
was better off than any other in the cavalry division.  In consequence it was impossible 
to carry much of anything save what the men had on their backs, and half of the men 
were too weak to walk three miles with their packs. Whenever we shifted camp the 
exertion among the half-sick caused our sick-roll to double next morning, and it took at 
least three days, even when the shift was for but a short distance, before we were able 
to bring up the officers' luggage, the hospital spare food, the ammunition, etc.  
Meanwhile the officers slept wherever they could, and those men who had not been 
able to carry their own bedding, slept as the officers did.  In the weak condition of the 
men the labor of pitching camp was severe and told heavily upon them.  In short, the 
scheme of continually shifting camp was impossible of fulfillment.  It would merely 
have resulted in the early destruction of the army.

	Again, it was proposed that we should go up the mountains and make our camps 
there.  The palm and the bamboo grew to the summits of the mountains, and the soil 
along their sides was deep and soft, while the rains were very heavy, much more so 
than immediately on the coast - every mile or two inland bringing with it a great 
increase in the rainfall.  We could, with much difficulty have got our regiments up the 
mountains, but not half the men could have got up with their belongings; and once 
there it would have been an impossibility to feed them.  It was all that could be done, 
with the limited number of wagons and mule-trains on hand, to feed the men in the 
existing camps, for the travel and the rain gradually rendered each road in succession 
wholly impassable.  To have gone up the mountains would have meant early 
starvation.

	The third plan of the Department was even more objectionable than either of the 
others.  There was, some twenty-five miles in the interior, what was called a high 
interior plateau, and at one period we were informed that we were to be marched 
thither.  As a matter of fact, this so-called high plateau was the sugar-cane country, 
where, during the summer, the rainfall was prodigious.  It was a rich, deep soil, 
covered with a rank tropic growth, the guinea-grass being higher than the head of a 
man on horseback.  It was a perfect hotbed of malaria, and there was no dry ground 
whatever in which to camp.  To have sent the troops there would have been simple 
butchery.

	Under these circumstances the alternative to leaving the country altogether was 
to stay where we were, with the hope that half the men would live through to the cool 
season.  We did everything possible to keep up the spirits of the men, but it was 
exceedingly difficult because there was nothing for them to do.  They were weak and 
languid, and in the wet heat they had lost energy, so that it was not possible for them 
to indulge in sports or pastimes. There were exceptions; but the average man who 
went off to shoot guinea-hens or tried some vigorous game always felt much the worse 
for his exertions. Once or twice I took some of my comrades with me, and climbed up 
one or another of the surrounding mountains, but the result generally was that half of 
the party were down with some kind of sickness next day.  It was impossible to take 
heavy exercise in the heat of the day; the evening usually saw a rain-storm which 
made the country a quagmire; and in the early morning the drenching dew and wet, 
slimy soil made walking but little pleasure.  Chaplain Brown held service every Sunday 
under a low tree outside my tent; and we always had a congregation of a few score 
troopers, lying or sitting round, their strong hard faces turned toward the preacher. I let 
a few of the men visit Santiago, but the long walk in and out was very tiring, and, 
moreover, wise restrictions had been put as to either officers or men coming in.

   See--Chaplain Brown Preaching to the Regiment: Chaplain Brown held service 
every Sunday under a low tree outside my tent; and we always had a congregation of 
a few score troopers, lying or sitting round, their strong hard faces turned toward the 
preacher.


	In any event there was very little to do in the quaint, dirty old Spanish city, though 
it was interesting to go in once or twice, and wander through the narrow streets with 
their curious little shops and low houses of stained stucco, with elaborately wrought 
iron trellises to the windows, and curiously carved balconies; or to sit in the central 
plaza where the cathedral was, and the clubs, and the Cafe Venus, and the low, bare, 
rambling building which was called the Governor's Palace.  In this palace Wood had 
now been established as military governor, and Luna, and two or three of my other 
officers from the Mexican border, who knew Spanish, were sent in to do duty under 
him.  A great many of my men knew Spanish, and some of the New Mexicans were of 
Spanish origin, although they behaved precisely like the other members of the 
regiment.

	We should probably have spent the summer in our sick camps, losing half the 
men and hopelessly shattering the health of the remainder, if General Shafter had not 
summoned a council of officers, hoping by united action of a more or less public 
character to wake up the Washington authorities to the actual condition of things.  As 
all the Spanish forces in the province of Santiago had surrendered, and as so-called 
immune regiments were coming to garrison the conquered territory, there was literally 
not one thing of any kind whatsoever for the army to do, and no purpose to serve by 
keeping it at Santiago.  We did not suppose that peace was at hand, being ignorant of 
the negotiations.  We were anxious to take part in the Porto Rico campaign, and would 
have been more than willing to suffer any amount of sickness, if by so doing we could 
get into action. But if we were not to take part in the Porto Rico campaign, then we 
knew it was absolutely indispensable to get our commands north immediately, if they 
were to be in trim for the great campaign against Havana, which would surely be the 
main event of the winter if peace were not declared in advance.

	Our army included the great majority of the regulars, and was, therefore, the 
flower of the American force.  It was on every account imperative to keep it in good 
trim; and to keep it in Santiago meant its entirely purposeless destruction.  As soon as 
the surrender was an accomplished fact, the taking away of the army to the north 
should have begun.

	Every officer, from the highest to the lowest, especially among the regulars, 
realized all of this, and about the last day of July, General Shafter called a conference, 
in the palace, of all the division and brigade commanders.  By this time, owing to 
Wood's having been made Governor-General, I was in command of my brigade, so I 
went to the conference too, riding in with Generals Sumner and Wheeler, who were 
the other representatives of the cavalry division.  Besides the line officers all the chief 
medical officers were present at the conference.  The telegrams from the Secretary 
stating the position of himself and the Surgeon-General were read, and then almost 
every line and medical officer present expressed his views in turn.  They were almost 
all regulars and had been brougat up to life-long habits of obedience without protest.  
They were ready to obey still, but they felt, quite rightly, that it was their duty to protest 
rather than to see the flower of the United States forces destroyed as the culminating 
act of a campaign in which the blunders that had been committed had been retrieved 
only by the valor and splendid soldierly qualities of the officers and enlisted men of the 
infantry and dismounted cavalry. There was not a dissenting voice; for there could not 
be.  There was not a dissenting voice; for there could not be.  There was but one side 
to the question.  To talk of continually shifting camp or of moving up the mountains or 
of moving into the interior was idle, for not one of the plans could be carried out with 
our utterly insufficient transportation, and at that season and in that climate they would 
merely have resulted in aggravating the sickliness of the soldiers.  It was deemed best 
to make some record of our opinion, in the shape of a letter or report, which would 
show that to keep the army in Santiago meant its absolute and objectless ruin, and 
that it should at once be recalled.  At first there was naturally some hesitation on the 
part of the regular officers to take the initiative, for their entire future career might be 
sacrificed.  So I wrote a letter to General Shafter, reading over the rough draft to the 
various Generals and adopting their corrections.  Before I had finished making these 
corrections it was determined that we should send a circular letter on behalf of all of us 
to General Shafter, and when I returned from presenting him mine, I found this circular 
letter already prepared and we all of us signed it. Both letters were made public.  The 
result was immediate.  Within three days the army was ordered to be ready to sail for 
home.

	As soon as it was known that we were to sail for home the spirits of the men 
changed for the better.  In my regiment the officers began to plan methods of drilling 
the men on horseback, so as to fit them for use against the Spanish cavalry, if we 
should go against Havana in December.  We had, all of us, eyed the captured Spanish 
cavalry with particular interest.  The men were small, and the horses, though well 
trained and well built, were diminutive ponies, very much smaller than cow ponies.  We 
were certain that if we ever got a chance to try shock tactics against them they would 
go down like nine-pins, provided only that our men could be trained to charge in any 
kind of line, and we made up our minds to devote our time to this. Dismounted work 
with the rifle we already felt thoroughly competent to perform.

	My time was still much occupied with looking after the health of my brigade, but 
the fact that we were going home, where I knew that their health would improve, 
lightened my mind, and I was able thoroughly to enjoy the beauty of the country, and 
even of the storms, which hitherto I had regarded purely as enemies.

	The surroundings of the city of Santiago are very grand.  The circling mountains 
rise sheer and high.  The plains are threaded by rapid winding brooks and are dotted 
here and there with quaint villages, curiously picturesque from their combining traces 
of an outworn old-world civilization with new and raw barbarism.  The tall, graceful, 
feathery bamboos rise by the water's edge, and elsewhere, even on the mountain-
crests, where the soil is wet and rank enough; and the splendid royal palms and 
cocoanut palms tower high above the matted green jungle.

	Generally the thunder-storms came in the afternoon, but once I saw one at 
sunrise, driving down the high mountain valleys toward us.  It was a very beautiful and 
almost terrible sight; for the sun rose behind the storm, and shone through the gusty 
rifts, lighting the mountain-crests here and there, while the plain below lay shrouded in 
the lingering night.  The angry, level rays edged the dark clouds with crimson, and 
turned the downpour into sheets of golden rain; in the valleys the glimmering mists 
were tinted every wild hue; and the remotest heavens were lit with flaming glory.

	One day General Lawton, General Wood and I, with Ferguson and poor Tiffany, 
went down the bay to visit Morro Castle.  The shores were beautiful, especially where 
there were groves of palms and of the scarlet-flower tree, and the castle itself, on a 
jutting headland, overlooking the sea and guarding the deep, narrow entrance to the 
bay, showed just what it was, the splendid relic of a vanished power and a vanished 
age.  We wandered all through it, among the castellated battlements, and in the 
dungeons, where we found hideous rusty implements of torture; and looked at the 
guns, some modern and some very old.  It had been little hurt by the bombardment of 
the ships.  Afterward I had a swim, not trusting much to the shark stories.  We passed 
by the sunken hulks of the Merrimac and the Reina Mercedes, lying just outside the 
main channel.  Our own people had tried to sink the first and the Spaniards had tried to 
sink the second, so as to block the entrance.  Neither attempt was successful.

	On August 6th we were ordered to embark, and next morning we sailed on the 
transport Miami.  General Wheeler was with us and a squadron of the Third Cavalry 
under Major Jackson.  The General put the policing and management of the ship into 
my hands, and I had great aid from Captain McCormick, who had been acting with me 
as adjutant-general of the brigade. I had profited by my experience coming down, and 
as Dr. Church knew his work well, although he was very sick, we kept the ship in such 
good sanitary condition, that we were one of the very few organizations allowed to land 
at Montauk immediately upon our arrival.

	Soon after leaving port the captain of the ship notified me that his stokers and 
engineers were insubordinate and drunken, due, he thought, to liquor which my men 
had given them.  I at once started a search of the ship, explaining to the men that they 
could not keep the liquor; that if they surrendered whatever they had to me I should 
return it to them when we went ashore; and that meanwhile I would allow the sick to 
drink when they really needed it; but that if they did not give the liquor to me of their 
own accord I would throw it overboard.  About seventy flasks and bottles were handed 
to me, and I found and threw overboard about twenty. This at once put a stop to all 
drunkenness.  The stokers and engineers were sullen and half mutinous, so I sent a 
detail of my men down to watch them and see that they did their work under the orders 
of the chief engineer; and we reduced them to obedience in short order.  I could easily 
have drawn from the regiment sufficient skilled men to fill every position in the entire 
ship's crew, from captain to stoker.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Chapter VI: The Return Home
      
Part II

	We were very much crowded on board the ship, but rather better off than on the 
Yucatan, so far as the men were concerned, which was the important point.  All the 
officers except General Wheeler slept in a kind of improvised shed, not unlike a 
chicken coop with bunks, on the aftermost part of the upper deck.  The water was bad 
- some of it very bad.  There was no ice.  The canned beef proved practically 
uneatable, as we knew would be the case.  There were not enough vegetables.  We 
did not have enough disinfectants, and there was no provision whatever for a hospital 
or for isolating the sick; we simply put them on one portion of one deck.  If, as so many 
of the high authorities had insisted, there had really been a yellow-fever epidemic, and 
if it had broken out on shipboard, the condition would have been frightful; but there 
was no yellow-fever epidemic.  Three of our men had been kept behind as suspects, 
all three suffering simply from malarial fever.  One of them, Lutz, a particularly good 
soldier, died; another, who was simply a malingerer and had nothing the matter with 
him whatever, of course recovered; the third was Tiffany who, I believe, would have 
lived had we been allowed to take him with us, but who was sent home later and died 
soon after landing.

	I was very anxious to keep the men amused, and as the quarters were so 
crowded that it was out of the question for them to have any physical exercise, I did 
not interfere with their playing games of chance so long as no disorder followed.  On 
shore this was not allowed; but in the particular emergency which we were meeting, 
the loss of a month's salary was as nothing compared to keeping the men thoroughly 
interested and diverted.

	By care and diligence we succeeded in preventing any serious sickness. One 
man died, however.  He had been suffering from dysentery ever since we landed, 
owing purely to his own fault, for on the very first night ashore he obtained a lot of fiery 
liquor from some of the Cubans, got very drunk, and had to march next day through 
the hot sun before he was entirely sober. He never recovered, and was useless from 
that time on.  On board ship he died, and we gave him sea burial.  Wrapped in a 
hammock, he was placed opposite a port, and the American flag thrown over him.  The 
engine was stilled, and the great ship rocked on the waves unshaken by the screw, 
while the war-worn troopers clustered around with bare heads, to listen to Chaplain 
Brown read the funeral service, and to the band of the Third Cavalry as it played the 
funeral dirge.  Then the port was knocked free, the flag withdrawn, and the shotted 
hammock plunged heavily over the side, rushing down through the dark water to lie, till 
the Judgment Day, in the ooze that holds the timbers of so many gallant ships, and the 
bones of so many fearless adventurers.

	We were favored by good weather during our nine days' voyage, and much of the 
time when there was little to do we simply sat together and talked, each man 
contributing from the fund of his own experiences.  Voyages around Cape Horn, yacht 
races for the America's cup, experiences on foot-ball teams which are famous in the 
annals of college sport; more serious feats of desperate prowess in Indian fighting and 
in breaking up gangs of white outlaws; adventures in hunting big game, in breaking 
wild horses, in tending great herds of cattle, and in wandering winter and summer 
among the mountains and across the lonely plains - the men who told the tales could 
draw upon countless memories such as these of the things they had done and the 
things they had seen others do.  Sometimes General Wheeler joined us and told us 
about the great war, compared with which ours was such a small war - far-reaching in 
their importance though its effects were destined to be.  When we had become 
convinced that we would escape an epidemic of sickness the homeward voyage 
became very pleasant.

	On the eve of leaving Santiago I had received from Mr. Laffan of the Sun, a cable 
with the single word "Peace," and we speculated much on this, as the clumsy transport 
steamed slowly northward across the trade wind and then into the Gulf Stream.  At last 
we sighted the low, sandy bluffs of the Long Island coast, and late on the afternoon of 
the 14th we steamed through the still waters of the Sound and cast anchor off 
Montauk.  A gun-boat of the Mosquito fleet came out to greet us and to inform us that 
peace negotiations had begun.

	Next morning we were marched on shore.  Many of the men were very sick 
indeed.  Of the three or four who had been closest to me among the enlisted men, 
Color-Sergeant Wright was the only one in good health.  Henry Bardshar was a wreck, 
literally at death's door.  I was myself in first-class health, all the better for having lost 
twenty pounds.  Faithful Marshall, my colored body-servant, was so sick as to be 
nearly helpless.

	Bob Wrenn nearly died.  He had joined us very late and we could not get him a 
Krag carbine; so I had given him my Winchester, which carried the government 
cartridge; and when he was mustered out he carried it home in triumph, to the envy of 
his fellows, who themselves had to surrender their beloved rifles.

	For the first few days there was great confusion and some want even after we 
got to Montauk.  The men in hospitals suffered from lack of almost everything, even 
cots.  But after these few days we were very well cared for and had abundance of all 
we needed, except that on several occasions there was a shortage of food for the 
horses, which I should have regarded as even more serious than a shortage for the 
men, had it not been that we were about to be disbanded.  The men lived high, with 
milk, eggs, oranges, and any amount of tobacco, the lack of which during portions of 
the Cuban campaign had been felt as seriously as any lack of food.  One of the 
distressing features of the malarial fever which had been ravaging the troops was that 
it was recurrent and persistent.  Some of my men died after reaching home, and many 
were very sick.  We owed much to the kindness not only of the New York hospitals and 
the Red Cross and kindred societies, but of individuals, notably Mr. Bayard Cutting and 
Mrs. Armitage, who took many of our men to their beautiful Long Island homes.

	On the whole, however, the month we spent at Montauk before we disbanded 
was very pleasant.  It was good to meet the rest of the regiment. They all felt dreadfully 
at not having been in Cuba.  It was a sore trial to men who had given up much to go to 
the war, and who rebelled at nothing in the way of hardship or suffering, but who did 
bitterly feel the fact that their sacrifices seemed to have been useless.  Of course 
those who stayed had done their duty precisely as did those who went, for the 
question of glory was not to be considered in comparison to the faithful performance of 
whatever was ordered; and no distinction of any kind was allowed in the regiment 
between those whose good fortune it had been to go and those whose harder fate it 
had been to remain.  Nevertheless the latter could not be entirely comforted.

	The regiment had three mascots; the two most characteristic - a young mountain 
lion brought by the Arizona troops, and a war eagle brought by the New Mexicans - we 
had been forced to leave behind in Tampa.  The third, a rather disreputable but 
exceedingly knowing little dog named Cuba, had accompanied us through all the 
vicissitudes of the campaign.  The mountain lion, Josephine, possessed an infernal 
temper; whereas both Cuba and the eagle, which have been named in my honor, were 
extremely good-humored. Josephine was kept tied up.  She sometimes escaped.  One 
cool night in early September she wandered off and, entering the tent of a Third 
Cavalry man, got into bed with him; whereupon he fled into the darkness with yells, 
much more unnerved than he would have been by the arrival of any number of 
Spaniards. The eagle was let loose and not only walked at will up and down the 
company streets, but also at times flew wherever he wished.  He was a young bird, 
having been taken out of his nest when a fledgling.  Josephine hated him and was 
always trying to make a meal of him, especially when we endeavored to take their 
photographs together.  The eagle, though good-natured, was an entirely competent 
individual and ready at any moment to beat Josephine off.  Cuba was also oppressed 
at times by Josephine, and was of course no match for her, but was frequently able to 
overawe by simple decision of character.

	In addition to the animal mascots, we had two or three small boys who had also 
been adopted by the regiment.  One, from Tennessee, was named Dabney Royster.  
When we embarked at Tampa he smuggled himself on board the transport with a 22-
calibre rifle and three boxes of cartridges, and wept bitterly when sent ashore.  The 
squadron which remained behind adopted him, got him a little Rough Rider's uniform, 
and made him practically one of the regiment.

	The men who had remained at Tampa, like ourselves, had suffered much from 
fever, and the horses were in bad shape.  So many of the men were sick that none of 
the regiments began to drill for some time after reaching Montauk. There was a great 
deal of paper-work to be done; but as I still had charge of the brigade only a little of it 
fell on my shoulders.  Of this I was sincerely glad, for I knew as little of the paperwork 
as my men had originally known of drill.  We had all of us learned how to fight and 
march; but the exact limits of our rights and duties in other respects were not very 
clearly defined in our minds; and as for myself, as I had not had the time to learn 
exactly what they were, I had assumed a large authority in giving rewards and 
punishments. In particular I had looked on court-martials much as Peter Bell looked on 
primroses - they were court-martials and nothing more, whether resting on the 
authority of a lieutenant-colonel or of a major-general.  The mustering-out officer, a 
thorough soldier, found to his horror that I had used the widest discretion both in 
imposing heavy sentences which I had no power to impose on men who shirked their 
duties, and, where men atoned for misconduct by marked gallantry, in blandly remitting 
sentences approved by my chief of division. However, I had done substantial, even 
though somewhat rude and irregular, justice - and no harm could result, as we were 
just about to be mustered out.

	My chief duties were to see that the camps of the three regiments were 
thoroughly policed and kept in first-class sanitary condition.  This took up some time, of 
course, and there were other matters in connection with the mustering out which had 
to be attended to; but I could always get two or three hours a day free from work.  
Then I would summon a number of the officers, Kane, Greenway, Goodrich, Church, 
Ferguson, McIlhenny, Frantz, Ballard and others, and we would gallop down to the 
beach and bathe in the surf, or else go for long rides over the beautiful rolling plains, 
thickly studded with pools which were white with water-lilies.  Sometimes I went off 
alone with my orderly, young Gordon Johnston, one of the best men in the regiment; 
he was a nephew of the Governor of Alabama, and when at Princeton had played on 
the eleven.  We had plenty of horses, and these rides were most enjoyable. Galloping 
over the open, rolling country, through the cool fall evenings, made us feel as if we 
were out on the great Western plains and might at any moment start deer from the 
brush, or see antelope stand and gaze, far away, or rouse a band of mighty elk and 
hear their horns clatter as they fled.

	An old friend, Baron von Sternberg, of the German Embassy, spent a week in 
camp with me.  He had served, when only seventeen, in the Franco-Prussian War as a 
hussar, and was a noted sharp-shooter - being "the little baron" who is the hero of 
Archibald Forbes's true story of "The Pig-dog." He and I had for years talked over the 
possibilities of just such a regiment as the one I was commanding, and he was greatly 
interested in it. Indeed I had vainly sought permission from the German ambassador to 
take him with the regiment to Santiago.

	One Sunday before the regiment disbanded I supplemented Chaplain Brown's 
address to the men by a short sermon of a rather hortatory character.  I told them how 
proud I was of them, but warned them not to think that they could now go back and 
rest on their laurels, bidding them remember that though for ten days or so the world 
would be willing to treat them as heroes, yet after that time they would find they had to 
get down to hard work just like everyone else, unless they were willing to be regarded 
as worthless do-nothings.  They took the sermon in good part, and I hope that some of 
them profited by it.  At any rate, they repaid me by a very much more tangible 
expression of affection. One afternoon, to my genuine surprise, I was asked out of my 
tent by Lieutenant-Colonel Brodie (the gallant old boy had rejoined us), and found the 
whole regiment formed in hollow square, with the officers and color-sergeant in the 
middle.  When I went in, one of the troopers came forward and on behalf of the 
regiment presented me with Remington's fine bronze, "The Bronco-buster." There 
could have been no more appropriate gift from such a regiment, and I was not only 
pleased with it, but very deeply touched with the feeling which made them join in giving 
it.  Afterward they all filed past and I shook the hands of each to say good-by.

	Most of them looked upon the bronze with the critical eyes of professionals.  I 
doubt if there was any regiment in the world which contained so large a number of 
men able to ride the wildest and most dangerous horses. One day while at Montauk 
Point some of the troopers of the Third Cavalry were getting ready for mounted drill 
when one of their horses escaped, having thrown his rider.  This attracted the attention 
of some of our men and they strolled around to see the trooper remount.  He was 
instantly thrown again, the horse, a huge, vicious sorrel, being one of the worst 
buckers I ever saw; and none of his comrades were willing to ride the animal.  Our 
men, of course, jeered and mocked at them, and in response were dared to ride the 
horse themselves.  The challenge was instantly accepted, the only question being as 
to which of a dozen noted bronco-busters who were in the ranks should undertake the 
task.  They finally settled on a man named Darnell.  It was agreed that the experiment 
should take place next day when the horse would be fresh, and accordingly next day 
the majority of both regiments turned out on a big open flat in front of my tent - brigade 
head-quarters.  The result was that, after as fine a bit of rough riding as one would 
care to see, in which one scarcely knew whether most to wonder at the extraordinary 
viciousness and agile strength of the horse or at the horsemanship and courage of the 
rider, Darnell came off victorious, his seat never having been shaken.  After this almost 
every day we had exhibitions of bronco-busting, in which all the crack riders of the 
regiment vied with one another, riding not only all of our own bad horses but any horse 
which was deemed bad in any of the other regiments.

	Darnell, McGinty, Wood, Smoky Moore, and a score of others took part in these 
exhibitions, which included not merely feats in mastering vicious horses, but also feats 
of broken horses which the riders had trained to lie down at command, and upon which 
they could mount while at full speed.

	Toward the end of the time we also had mounted drill on two or three occasions; 
and when the President visited the camp we turned out mounted to receive him as did 
the rest of the cavalry.  The last night before we were mustered out was spent in noisy, 
but entirely harmless hilarity, which I ignored.  Every form of celebration took place in 
the ranks.  A former Populist candidate for Attorney-General in Colorado delivered a 
fervent oration in favor of free silver; a number of the college boys sang; but most of 
the men gave vent to their feelings by improvised dances.  In these the Indians took 
the lead, pure bloods and half-breeds alike, the cowboys and miners cheerfully joining 
in and forming part of the howling, grunting rings, that went bounding around the great 
fires they had kindled.

	Next morning Sergeant Wright took down the colors, and Sergeant Guitilias the 
standard, for the last time; the horses, the rifles, and the rest of the regimental property 
had been turned in; officers and men shook hands and said good-by to one another, 
and then they scattered to their homes in the North and the South, the few going back 
to the great cities of the East, the many turning again toward the plains, the mountains, 
and the deserts of the West and the strange Southwest.  This was on September 15th, 
the day which marked the close of the four months' life of a regiment of as gallant 
fighters as ever wore the United States uniform.

   See--Farewell: Colonel Roosevelt's farewell to the Rough Riders.


	The regiment was a wholly exceptional volunteer organization, and its career 
cannot be taken as in any way a justification for the belief that the average volunteer 
regiment approaches the average regular regiment in point of efficiency until it has had 
many months of active service.  In the first place, though the regular regiments may 
differ markedly among themselves, yet the range of variation among them is nothing 
like so wide as that among volunteer regiments, where at first there is no common 
standard at all; the very best being, perhaps, up to the level of the regulars (as has 
recently been shown at Manila), while the very worst are no better than mobs, and the 
great bulk come in between. ^* The average regular regiment is superior to the 
average volunteer regiment in the physique of the enlisted men, who have been very 
carefully selected, who have been trained to life in the open, and who know how to 
cook and take care of themselves generally.

	[Footnote *: For sound common-sense about the volunteers see Parker's 
excellent little book, "The Gatlings at Santiago."]

	Now, in all these respects, and in others like them, the Rough Riders were the 
equals of the regulars.  They were hardy, self-reliant, accustomed to shift for 
themselves in the open under very adverse circumstances.  The two all-important 
qualifications for a cavalryman, are riding and shooting - the modern cavalryman being 
so often used dismounted, as an infantryman. The average recruit requires a couple of 
years before he becomes proficient in horsemanship and marksmanship; but my men 
were already good shots and first-class riders when they came into the regiment.  The 
difference as regards officers and non-commissioned officers, between regulars and 
volunteers, is usually very great; but in my regiment (keeping in view the material we 
had to handle), it was easy to develop non-commissioned officers out of men who had 
been round-up foremen, ranch foremen, mining bosses, and the like.  These men were 
intelligent and resolute; they knew they had a great deal to learn, and they set to work 
to learn it; while they were already accustomed to managing considerable interests, to 
obeying orders, and to taking care of others as well as themselves.

	As for the officers, the great point in our favor was the anxiety they showed to 
learn from those among their number who, like Capron, had already served in the 
regular army; and the fact that we had chosen a regular army man as Colonel.  If a 
volunteer organization consists of good material, and is eager to learn, it can readily do 
so if it has one or two first-class regular officers to teach it.  Moreover, most of our 
captains and lieutenants were men who had seen much of wild life, who were 
accustomed to handling and commanding other men, and who had usually already 
been under fire as sheriffs, marshals, and the like.  As for the second in command, 
myself, I had served three years as captain in the National Guard; I had been deputy 
sheriff in the cow country, where the position was not a sinecure; I was accustomed to 
big game hunting and to work on a cow ranch, so that I was thoroughly familiar with 
the use both of horse and rifle, and knew how to handle cowboys, hunters, and miners; 
finally, I had studied much in the literature of war, and especially the literature of the 
great modern wars, like our own Civil War, the Franco-German War, the Turco-
Russian War; and I was especially familiar with the deeds, the successes and failures 
alike, of the frontier horse riflemen who had fought at King's Mountain and the 
Thames, and on the Mexican border. Finally, and most important of all, officers and 
men alike were eager for fighting, and resolute to do well and behave properly, to 
encounter hardship and privation, and the irksome monotony of camp routine, without 
grumbling or complaining; they had counted the cost before they went in, and were 
delighted to pay the penalties inevitably attendant upon the career of a fighting 
regiment; and from the moment when the regiment began to gather, the higher officers 
kept instilling into those under them the spirit of eagerness for action and of stern 
determination to grasp at death rather than forfeit honor.

	The self-reliant spirit of the men was well shown after they left the regiment.  Of 
course, there were a few weaklings among them; and there were others, entirely brave 
and normally self-sufficient, who, from wounds or fevers, were so reduced that they 
had to apply for aid - or at least, who deserved aid, even though they often could only 
be persuaded with the greatest difficulty to accept it.  The widows and orphans had to 
be taken care of. There were a few light-hearted individuals, who were entirely ready 
to fight in time of war, but in time of peace felt that somebody ought to take care of 
them; and there were others who, never having seen any aggregation of buildings 
larger than an ordinary cow-town, fell a victim to the fascinations of New York.  But, as 
a whole, they scattered out to their homes on the disbandment of the regiment; 
gaunter than when they had enlisted, sometimes weakened by fever or wounds, but 
just as full as ever of sullen, sturdy capacity for self-help; scorning to ask for aid, save 
what was entirely legitimate in the way of one comrade giving help to another.  A 
number of the examining surgeons , at the muster-out, spoke to me with admiration of 
the contrast offered by our regiment to so many others, in the fact that our men always 
belittled their own bodily injuries and sufferings; so that whereas the surgeons 
ordinarily had to be on the look-out lest a man who was not really disabled should 
claim to be so, in our case they had to adopt exactly the opposite attitude and guard 
the future interests of the men, by insisting upon putting upon their certificates of 
discharge whatever disease they had contracted or wound they had received in line of 
duty.  Major J. H. Calef, who had more than any other one man to do with seeing to 
the proper discharge papers of our men, and who took a most generous interest in 
them, wrote me as follows: "I also wish to bring to your notice the fortitude displayed by 
the men of your regiment, who have come before me to be mustered out of service, in 
making their personal declarations as to their physical conditions.  Men who bore on 
their faces and in their forms the traces of long days of illness, indicating wrecked 
constitutions, declared that nothing was the matter with them, at the same time 
disclaiming any intention of applying for a pension. It was exceptionally heroic."

	When we were mustered out, many of the men had lost their jobs, and were too 
weak to go to work at once, while there were helpless dependents of the dead to care 
for.  Certain of my friends, August Belmont, Stanley and Richard Mortimer, Major 
Austin Wadsworth - himself fresh from the Manila campaign - Belmont Tiffany, and 
others, gave me sums of money to be used for helping these men.  In some instances, 
by the exercise of a good deal of tact and by treating the gift as a memorial of poor 
young Lieutenant Tiffany, we got the men to accept something; and, of course, there 
were a number who, quite rightly, made no difficulty about accepting. But most of the 
men would accept no help whatever.  In the first chapter, I spoke of a lady, a teacher in 
an academy in the Indian Territory, three or four of whose pupils had come into my 
regiment, and who had sent with them a letter of introduction to me.  When the 
regiment disbanded, I wrote to her to ask if she could not use a little money among the 
Rough Riders, white, Indian, and half-breed, that she might personally know.  I did not 
hear from her for some time, and then she wrote as follows:

     "Muscogee, Ind. Ter.,
     "December 19, 1898.

	"My Dear Colonel Roosevelt: I did not at once reply to your letter of September 
23d, because I waited for a time to see if there should be need among any of our Rough 
Riders, of the money you so kindly offered.  Some of the boys are poor, and in one or 
two cases they seemed to me really needy, but they all said no.  More than once I saw 
the tears come to their eyes, at thought of your care for them, as I told them of your 
letter.  Did you hear any echoes of our Indian warwhoops over your election?  They were 
pretty loud. I was particularly exultant, because my father was a New Yorker and I was 
educated in New York, even if I was born here.  So far as I can learn, the boys are taking 
up the dropped threads of their lives, as though they had never been away.  Our two 
Rough Rider students, Meagher and Gilmore, are doingf well in their college work.

	"I am sorry to tell you of the death of one of your most devoted troopers, Bert 
Holderman, who was here serving on the Grand Jury.  He was stricken with meningitis in 
the jury-room, and died after three days of delirium.  His father, who was twice wounded, 
four times taken prisoner, and fought in thirty-two battles of the civil war, now old and 
feeble, survives him, and it was indeed pathetic to see his grief.  Bert's mother, who is a 
Cherokee, was raised in my grandfather's family.  The words of commendation which 
you wrote upon Bert's discharge are the greatest comfort to his friends. They wanted you 
to know of his death, because he loved you so.

	"I am planning to entertain all the Rough Riders in this vicinity some evening 
during my holiday vacation.  I mean to have no other guests, but only give them an 
opportunity for reminiscences.  I regret that Bert's death makes one less.  I had hoped to 
have them sooner, but our struggling young college salaries are necessarily small and 
duties arduous.  I make a home for my widowed mother and an adopted Indian 
daughter, who is in school; and as I do the cooking for a family of five, I have found it 
impossible to do many things I would like to.

	"Pardon me for burdening you with these details, but I suppose I am like your 
boys, who say, 'The Colonel was always as ready to listen to a private as to a major-
general.'

	"Wishing you and yours the very best gifts the season can bring, I am,

	"Very truly yours,

	"Alice M. Robertson."

	Is it any wonder that I loved my regiment?



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Appendix A: Muster-Out Roll
    
Part I

	[Owing to the circumstances of the regiment's service, the paperwork was very 
difficult to perform.  This muster-out roll is very defective in certain points, notably in 
the enumeration of the wounded who had been able to return to duty.  Some of the 
dead are also undoubtedly passed over. Thus I have put in Race Smith, Sanders, and 
Tiffany as dead, correcting the rolls; but there are doubtless a number of similar 
corrections which should be made but have not been, as the regiment is now scattered 
far and wide. I have also corrected the record for the wounded men in one or two 
places where I happen to remember it; but there are a number of the wounded, 
especially the slightly wounded, who are not down at all.]

Field, Staff, And Band 

Theodore Roosevelt . . .  .Colonel . . . . . . . .New York, N. Y.
Alexander O. Brodie . . . .Lieut. Colonel . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
Henry B. Hersey . . . . . .Major . . . . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
George M. Dunn . . . . .  .Major . . . . . . . . .Denver, Col.
Micah J. Jenkins . . . .  .Major . . . . . . . . .Youngs Is., S. C.
Henry A. Brown . . . . .  .Chaplain . . . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
Maxwell Keyes . . . . . . .1st Lt. & Adjt.  . .  .San Antonio, Tex.
Sherrard Coleman . . . .  .1st Lt. & Q. M.  . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Ernest Secker . . . . . . .Sergt. Major . . . .  .Los Angeles, Cal.
Matthew Douthett . . . .  .Q. M. Sergeant . . .  .Denver, Col.
Clay Platt . . . . . . .  .Cf. Trumpeter . . . . .San Antonio, Tex.
Joseph F. Kansky . . . .  .Sad. Sergeant . . . . .Tacoma, Wash.
Leonard Wood . . . . . .  .Colonel . . . . . . . .Cape Cod, Mass.
     Promoted, July 9, 1898, to Brigadier-General of U. S. Volunteers.
Thomas W. Hall . . . . .  .1st Lieut. & Adjt.
     Tendered his resignation as 1st Lieut. and Adjt., which took effect Aug.
     1, 1898, in compliance with S. O. No. 175, O. G. O., dated July 29, 1898.
Jacob Schwaizer . . . . . .1st Lt. & Q. M.  . .  .El Reno, O. T.
     Resigned his commission as 1st Lieut., Aug. 4, 1898.  Resignation took
     effect Sept. 7, 1898.
Joseph A. Carr . . . . .  .Sergt. Major . . . .  .Washington, D. C.
     Discharged at San Antonio, Texas, by way of favor to enable him to accept
     a commission as 1st Lieut. in the Regiment, May 19, 1898.
Christian Madsen . . . .  .R. Q. M. Sergt.  . .  .El Reno, O. T.
     Discharged on Surgeon's certificate of disability at Camp Wikoff, L. I.,
     Aug. 26, 1898.
Alfred E. Lewis . . . . . .R. Q. M. Sergt.
     Deserted from Camp at San Antonio, Tex., on or about May 5, 1898.
Ernest Haskell . . . . .  .Cadet . . . . . . . . .West Point.
     Acted with regiment as second lieutenant.  Dangerously wounded by Mauser
     bullet, July 1st.

The Hospital Corps 

Henry La Motte . . . . .Major . . . . . . . .Williamsburg, Mass.
James A. Massie . . .  .1st Lieutenant . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
James R. Church ^* . . .1st Lieutenant . .  .Washington, D. C.
James B. Brady . . . . .Steward . . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
Herbert J. Rankin . .  .Steward . . . . . . .Las Vegas, N. M.
Charles A.  Wilson . . .Steward . . . . . . .Colorado Springs, Col.
John R. Rawdin . . . . .Private.

	[Footnote *: Acted as Regimental Surgeon during most of the campaign.]

Troop A: Captain Frank Frantz 


Frank Frantz . . . .  .Captain . . . . . .Prescott, Ariz.
John C. Greenway . .  .1st Lieutenant .  .Hot Springs, Ark.
Joshua D. Carter . .  .2d Lieutenant . . .Prescott, Ariz.
William W. Greenwood  .1st Sergeant . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
     Shot in left foot and leg in battle, July 1, 1898.  Engaged in battles of
     Las Guasimas, June 24th; San Juan, July 1st.
James T. Greenley . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
     Wounded in leg, July 1, 1898.  Engaged in battles of Las Guasimas, June
     24th; San Juan, July 1st; and siege of Santiago following.
King C. Henley . . .  .Q. M. Sergeant .  .Winslow, Ariz.
Henry W. Nash . . . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Young, Ariz.
Samuel H. Rhodes . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Tonto Basin, Ariz.
Robert Brown . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
Charles E. McGarr  .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
Carl Holtzschue . . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
George L. Bugbee . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Lordsburg, N. M.
Harry G. White  . . . .Corporal . . . .  .Richenbar, Ariz.
     Absent from July 2, 1898, in Governor's Island, N. Y., Hospital, on
     account of wound in leg, received on July 2, 1898.  Engaged in battles of
     Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898; San Juan, July 1, 1898.
Cade C. Jackson . . . .Corporal . . . .  .Flagstaff, Ariz.
Harry B. Fox . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Jerome, Ariz.
William Cranfurd . .  .Corporal . . . .  .San Antonio, Tex.
George A. McCarter .  .Corporal . . . .  .Safford, Ariz.
Rufus H. Marine . . . .Corporal . . . .  .Flagstaff, Ariz.
John D. Honeyman . .  .Corporal . . . .  .San Antonio, Tex.
Emilio Cassi . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . .Jerome, Ariz.
     Wounded in hand on July 2, 1898.
Frank Harner  . . . . .Trumpeter . . . . .Preston, Ariz.
Thomas Hamilton . . . .Blacksmith . . .  .Jerome, Ariz.
Wallace B. Willard .  .Farrier . . . . . .Cottonwood, Ariz.
Forest Whitney . . .  .Saddler . . . . . .Richenbar, Ariz.
John H. Waller . . .  .Wagoner . . . . . .Prescott, Ariz.
     Wounded in left arm in battle of July 1, 1898.  Engaged in Las Guasimas,
     June 24, 1898; San Juan, July 1, 1898; and siege of Santiago following.

Troopers 


Adams, Ralph R., Yonkers, N. Y.        Bulzing, William, Santa Fe, N. M.
Allen, George L., Prescott, Ariz.      Burke, Edward F., Orange, N. J.
Azbill, John, St. John's, Ariz.        Bardshar, Henry P., Prescott, Ariz.
Azbill, William, St. John's, Ariz.     Church, Leroy B., Ithaca, Mich.
Arnold, Henry N., New York City        Curtis, Harry A., Boston, Mass.
Barnard, John C., New York City        Freeman, Thomas L., Thurber, Tex.
Bartoo, Nelson E., Winslow, Ariz.      Griffen, Walter W., Globe, Ariz.
Belknap, Prescott H. Boston,           Glover, William H., Liberty, Tex.
 Brookline, Mass.                      Hawes, George P., Jr., Richmond,
Brauer, Lee W., Richmond, Va.           Va.
Bugbee, Fred. W., Lordsburg, N. M.     Haymon, Edward G. B., Chicago, Ill.
 Wounded in head in battle of San      Huffman, Lawrence E., Las Cruces,
 Juan, July 1, 1898.  Slight.           Mex.
 Mauser rifle.                         Hoffman, Fred., Pueblo, Col.
Bull, Charles C., San Francisco, Cal.  Philip, Hoffman, Washington, D. C.
Hodgdon, Charles E., Prescott, Ariz.   Pierce, Harry B., Central City, N.
Hogan, Daniel L., Flagstaff, Ariz.      M.
Howard, John L., St. Louis, Mo.        Raudebaugh, James D., Flagstaff,
Hubbell, John D., Boston, Mass.         Ariz.
Jackson, Charles B., Prescott, Ariz.   Rapp, Adolph, San Antonio, Tex.
 Wounded in neck at battle of San      Sells, Henry, Flagstaff, Ariz.
 Juan, July 1, 1898.  Nature of        Sellers, Henry J., Williams, Ariz.
 injury slight.  Mauser rifle.         Sewall, Henry F., New York, N. Y.
Johnson, John W., Kingman, Ariz.       Shaw, James A., Prescott, Ariz.
Lefors, Jefferson D , Prescott,        Shanks, Lee P., Paducah, Ky.
 Ariz.                                 Stark, Wallace J., Safford,
Lewis, William F., Congress, Ariz.     Sullivan, Patrick J., Prescott,
Larned, William A., Summit, N. J.       Ariz.
Le Roy Arthur M., Prescott, Ariz.      Thomas, Rufus K., Boston, Mass.
May, James A., Safford, Ariz.f         Thomson, Joseph F., Jr., Washington,
McCarty, Frank, Flagstaff, Ariz.        D. C.
Mills, Charles E. Cedar Rapids, Ia.    Tuttle, Arthur L., Safford, Ariz.
Murchie, Guy, Calais, Me.              Van Siclen, Frank, Safford, Ariz.
Osborne, George, Bungendera,           Wager, Oscar G., Jerome, Ariz.
 N. S. W., Australia                   Wallace, Walter D., Flagstaff, Ariz.
O'Brien, Edward, Jerome, Ariz.         Wallace, William F., Flagstaff,
 Wounded in head, by shrapnel,          Ariz.
 morning of July 2, 1898.              Wounded in neck in battle of
Page, William, Richenbar, Ariz.         San Juan, July 1, 1898.
Perry, Charles B., Perry's Landing,    Wayland, Thomas J., Williams, Ariz.
 Tex.                                  Webb, Adelbert B., Safford, Ariz.
 Shot in head, July 2, 1898.           Weil, Henry J., Kingman, Ariz.
 Severe.                               Wilson, Jerome, Chloride, Ariz.
Paxton, Frank, Safford, Ariz.          Wrenn, Robert D., Chicago, Ill.
Pearsall, Paul S., New York, N. Y.
Pettit, Louis P., Flagstaff, Ariz.

Discharged 


Garret, Samuel H.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
     Honorably discharged the service by order of A. G. O.  Special Order No.
     14, Aug. 24, 1898.
Greenwald, Sam  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Prescott, Ariz.
     Discharged by authority of Secretary of War, at Camp Wikoff, Aug. 31,
     1898.
McCormick, Willis  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Salt Lake City, Utah.
     Honorably discharged the service, Aug. 23, 1898.  By order Secretary of
     War.

Killed In Action 


O'Neill, William O  . . . .  .Captain . . . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
     Engaged and killed in battle of San Juan, July 1, 1898, by gunshot wound
     in the head.
Doherty, George H.  . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Jerome, Ariz.
     Engaged and killed in battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898, by bullet
     wound in the head.
Boyle, James  . . . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
     Engaged in and mortally wounded at battle of San Juan, July 1, 1898; shot
     through neck and body; died July 2, 1898.
Champlin, Fred E.  . . . . . .Private . . . . . .  .Flagstaff, Ariz.
     Engaged in battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898, and battle of San Juan,
     July 1, 1898, where he was mortally wounded.  Died, July 2, 1898; shot in
     leg and foot by shrapnel and arm torn off by shell.  Left thigh and hand.
Liggett, Edward . . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .  .Jerome, Ariz.
     Engaged and killed in battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898; shot through
     the body.
Reynolds, Lewis . . . . . .  .Private . . .9 . . . .Kingman, Ariz.
     Engaged in battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898, and San Juan, July 1,
     1898.  Killed on July 1, 1898; shot through the stomach.

Died Of Disease 


Hollister, Stanley . . . . . .Private . . . . . .  .Santa Barbara, Cal.
     Wounded in left thigh in battle, July 2, 1898; severe.  Died of typhoid
     fever in general U. S. Hospital, Fortress Monroe, Va., Aug. 17, 1898.
Wallace, Alexander H.  . . . .Private . . . . . .  .Pasadena, Cal.
     Died of typhoid fever at St. Peter's Hospital, Brooklyn, Aug. 31, 1898.
Walsh, George . . . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .  .San Francisco, Cal.
     Died at sea, aboard S. S. Miami, Aug. 11, 1898, of chronic dysentery;
     buried at sea, Aug. 12, 1898.

Suicide 


De Vol, Harry P.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .San Antonio, Tex.
     While in Guard-House, Camp Wikoff, died of self-inflicted wound in the
     head.

Deserter 


Jackson, John W.  . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .  .Jerome, Ariz.
     Deserted the service at Tampa, Fla., July 7, 1898.

Troop B: Captain James H. McClintock 


James H. McClintock . . . .  .Captain . . . . . .  .Phoenix, Ariz.
     Wounded at battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.  Wounded in left ankle.
George B. Wilcox . . . . . . .1st Lieutenant . . . .Prescott, Ariz.
Thomas H. Rymning . . . . .  .2d Lieutenant . . .  .Tucson, Ariz.
William A. Davidson . . . .  .1st Sergeant . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Stephen A. Pate . . . . . .  .Q. M. Sergeant . . . .Tucson, Ariz.
     Wounded in right lung before Santiago de Cuba, July 1, 1898.
Elmer Hawley . . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
John E. Campbell . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Charles H. Utling . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Edward G. Norton . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
David L. Hughes . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . . .Tucson, Ariz.
     Wounded in head, July 1, 1898, at battle before Santiago de Cuba.
Jerry F. Lee . . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Globe, Ariz.
     Shot in head before Santiago de Cuba, July 1, 1898.
Eugene W. Waterbury . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Tucson, Ariz.
Walter T. Gregory . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Thomas W. Pemberton, Jr.  .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
George J. McCabe . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . . .Bisbee, Ariz.
Calvin McCarthy . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Charles E. Heitman . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Frank Ward  . . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Globe, Ariz.
Dudly S. Dean  . . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . . .Boston, Mass.
John Foster . . . . . . . .  .Bugler . . . . . . . .Bisbee, Ariz.
Jesse Walters . . . . . . .  .Bugler . . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Frank W. Harmson . . . . . . .Farrier . . . . . .  .Tucson, Ariz.
Fred A. Pomeroy . . . . . .  .Blacksmith . . . . . .Kingman, Ariz.
Joseph E. McGinty . . . . .  .Wagoner . . . . . .  .Tucson, Ariz.
Richard E. Goodwin . . . . . .Saddler . . . . . .  .Phoenix, Ariz.

Troopers 


Boggs, Looney L., Phoenix, Ariz.     Middleton, Clifton C., Globe, Ariz.
Buckholdt, Chas., Kickapoo Springs,  Misner, Jackson H., Bisbee, Ariz.
 Tex.                                McMillen, Albert C., New York, N. Y.
Beebe, Walter S., Prescott, Ariz.    Norton, Gould G., Tampa, Fla
Brady, Fred L., New York, N. Y.      Orme, Norman L., Phoenix, Ariz.
Butler, James A., Albuquerque, N. M.  Shot in left arm and side, June 24,
Barrowe, Beekman K., Tampa, Fla.       1898, at Las Guasimas.  G. S. left
Colwell, Grant, Phoenix, Ariz.          shoulder.
Collier, Edward G., Globe, Ariz.     Owens, William A., Jerome, Ariz.
Chester, Will M., Oakwell, Tex.      Proffitt, William B., Prescott, Ariz.
Christian, Benjamin, Norfolk, Va.    Peck, John C., Santa Fe, N. M.
Chamberlin, Lowell A., Washington,   Pollock, Horatio C., Phoenix, Ariz.
 D. C.                               Patterson, Hal. A., Selma, Ala.
Day, Robert, Santa Fe, N. M.         Roberts, Frank S., San Antonio, Tex.
Drachman, Sol. B., Tucson, Ariz.     Rinehart, Robert, Phoenix, Ariz.
Draper, Durward D., Phoenix, Ariz.   Stanton, Richard H., Phoenix,
Eakin, Alva L., Glove, Ariz.          Ariz.
Eads, Wade Q., San Antonio, Tex.     Saunders, Wellman H., Salem, Mass.
Fitzgerald, Frank T., Tucson, Ariz.  Snodderly, William L., Bisbee, Ariz.
Goss, Conrad F., Tampa, Fla.         Smith, Race H., San Antonio, Tex.
Gurney, Frank W., Tampa, Fla.        Shot in stomach, breast, and arms by
Hall, John M., Phoenix, Ariz.         shrapnel, July 2, 1898, before
 Wounded in shoulder by shrapnel,      Santiago.
 July 1, 1898, before Santiago       de Schenck, Frank W., Phoenix, Ariz.
 Cuba.  Piece of shell not removed.  Stewart, W. Walton, Selma, Ala.
Hammer, John S., San Antonio, Tex.   Toland, Jesse T., Bisbee, Ariz.
 Slightly wounded by shell, July 1,  Truman, George E., San Antonio, Tex.
 1898, before Santiago de Cuba.      Townsend, Albert B., Prescott, Ariz.
 Wounded in leg.
Hildreth, Fenn S., Tucson, Ariz.
Hartzell, Ira C., Phoenix, Ariz.     Tilkie, Charles M., Chicago, Ill.
Haydon, Roy F., Prescott, Ariz.      Van Treese, Louis H., Tucson, Ariz.
Henderson, Sibird, Globe, Ariz.      Warford, David E., Globe, Ariz.
Hildebrand, Louis T., Prescott,       Shot in both thighs, July 1, 1898,
 Ariz.                                 before Santiago de Cuba.
Heywood, John P., Tampa, Fla.        Webb, William W., Prescott, Ariz.
James, William T., Jerome, Ariz.     Wiggins, Thomas W., Bisbee, Ariz.
Johnson, Anton E., Prescott, Ariz.    Shot in right hip at Las Guasimas,
King, Geo. C., Prescott, Ariz.         June 24, 1898.  G. S. left hip.
Keir, Alex. S., Bisbee, Ariz.        Whittaker, George C., Silver City,
Laird, Thomas J., Prescott, Ariz.     N. M.
Merrit, Fred M., Tucson, Ariz.       Wilkerson, Wallace W., Santa Fe, N.
                                      M.
Merrit, William W., Red Oak, Ia.     Woodward, Sidney H., Kingman, Ariz.
McCann, Walter J., Phoenix, Ariz.    Young, Thomas H., Phoenix, Ariz.
 Iron stanchion fell upon right side of
 head, right arm and shoulder, while
 asleep in quarters on transport Yucatan,
 en route for Cuba, June 21, 1898.

Discharged 


Bird, Marshall M  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .California.
     Discharged on Surgeon's certificate of disability.  Fracture of skull and
     concussion of brain incurred in line of duty, Aug. 8, 1898.
Cronin, Cornelius P  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Yuma, Ariz.
     Discharged, June 13, 1898, on Surgeon's certificate.
Crimmins, Martin L.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .New York, N. Y.
     Mustered out to accept commission, July 29, 1898.
Goodrich, David M.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Akron, O.
     Discharged, May 19, 1898, to accept commission.
Murphy, James E.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Delrio, Ariz.
     Discharged, Sept. 10th, by order of Secretary of War.  Shot in head, July
     1, 1898, before Santiago de Cuba.

Died 


Hall, Joel R.  . . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .  .Seattle, Wash.
     Killed, July 1, 1898, before Santiago de Cuba; buried on field of battle.
Logue, David . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Globe, Ariz.
     Killed, July 1, 1898, before Santiago de Cuba; buried on field of battle.
Norton, Oliver B.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
     Killed, July 1, 1898, before Santiago de Cuba; buried on field of battle.
Saunders, W. H.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Salem, Mass.
     Died of fever at Santiago.
Smith, Race W.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .San Antonio, Tex.
     Died of wounds received July 2, 1898.
Swetman, John W.  . . .  .  . . . . . . . . . . . . .Globe, Ariz.
     Killed, July 1, 1898, before Santiago de Cuba; buried on field of battle.
Tomlinson, Leroy E.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
     Sent to hospital boat, June 19, 1898, en route to Cuba; fever.
     Certificate of death dated June 23, 1898.  Body and effects sent ashore,
     care Capt. Stephens, Signal Corps, U. S. A.  Typhoid fever contracted in
     line of duty.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Appendix A: Muster-Out Roll
    
Part II

Troop C: Captain Joseph L. B. Alexander 


Joseph L. B. Alexander . . .Captain . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
Robert S. Patterson . . .  .1st Lieutenant . .  .Safford, Ariz.
Hal Sayre, Jr.  . . . . .  .2d Lieutenant . . . .Denver, Col.
Willis, O. Huson . . . . . .1st Sergeant . . .  .Yuma, Ariz.
James H. Maxey . . . . . . .Q. M. Sergeant . .  .Yuma, Ariz.
Sam W. Noyes  . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .  .Tucson, Ariz.
Adam H. Klingham . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .  .Flagstaff, Ariz.
Sumner H. Gerard . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .  .New York, N. Y.
John McAndrew . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .  .Congress Junction, Ariz.
Eldridge E. Jordan . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .  .Phoenix, Ariz.
Wilbur D. French . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .  .Safford, Ariz.
Hedrick M. Warren . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Phoenix, Ariz.
Bruce C. Weathers . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Safford, Ariz.
Frank A. Woodin . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Phoenix, Ariz.
Charles A. Armstrong . . . .Corporal . . . . .  .San Jose, Cal.
Elisha E. Garrison . . . . .Corporal . . . . .  .New York, N. Y.
William T. Atkins . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Selma, Ala.
Oscar J. Mullen . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Tempe, Ariz.
Frank Marti  . . . . . . . .Trumpeter . . . . . .Jerome, Ariz.
John A. W. Stelzriede . .  .Trumpeter . . . . . .Tempe, Ariz.
James G. Yost . . . . . .  .Blacksmith . . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
Frank Vans Agnew . . . . . .Farrier . . . . . . .Kissimee, Fla.
Francis L. Morgan . . . .  .Saddler . . . . . . .White Hills, Ariz.
Jerome W. Lankford . . . . .Wagoner . . . . . . .White Hills, Ariz.
Troopers 


Asay, William, Safford, Ariz.           Marvin, William E., Yuma, Ariz.
Anderson, Thomas A., San Antonio, Tex.  Mason, David P., Brownsville, Tex.
Barthell, Peter K., Kingman, Ariz.      Moffett, Edward B., Yuma, Ariz.
Bradley, Peter, Jerome, Ariz.           Neville, George A., Yuma, Ariz.
Burks, Robert E., Prescott, Ariz.       Norton, John W., Lockport, Ill.
Byrns, Orlando C., Prescott, Ariz.      O'Leary, Daniel, Tempe, Ariz.
Bowler, George P., New York, N. Y.      Parker, John W., Safford, Ariz.
Carleton, William C., Tempe, Ariz.      Payne, Forest B., Phoenix, Ariz.
Carlson, Carl, Tempe, Ariz.             Pond, Ashley, Detroit, Mich.
Cartledge, Crantz, Tempe, Ariz.         Perry, Arthur R., Phoenix, Ariz.
Coleman, Lockhart G., St. Louis, Mo.    Ricketts, William L., Phoenix,
                                       Ariz.
Danforth, Clyde L., Flagstaff, Ariz.    Roederer, John, Prescott, Ariz.
Danforth, Wm. H., Flagstaff, Ariz.      Rupert, Charles W., Prescott, Ariz.
Dewees, John L., San Antonio, Tex.      Reed, George W., Tucson, Ariz.
Duncan, Arthur G., New York.            Sayers, Samuel E., Yuma, Ariz.
Engel, Edwin P., Phoenix, Ariz.         Scharf, Charles A., Flagstaff,
                                         Ariz.
Force, Peter, Selma, Ala.               Sexsmith, William, Yuma, Ariz.
Gaughan, James, Phoenix, Ariz.          Shackelford, Marcus L., Jerome,
                                         Ariz.
Gibbins, Floyd J., Prescott, Ariz.      Shoemaker, John, Phoenix, Ariz.
Goodwin, James C., Tempe, Ariz.         Skogsburg, Charles G., Safford,
                                         Ariz.
Gardiner, John P., Boston, Mass.        Scull, Guy H., Boston, Mass.
Gavin, Anthony, Buffalo, N. Y.          Sloan, Thomas H., Phoenix, Ariz.
Hanson, Ivan M., Phoenix, Ariz.         Somers, Fred B., Flagstaff, Ariz.
Hanson, William, Prescott, Ariz.        Trowbridge, Lafayette, Prescott,
                                         Ariz.
Herold, Philip M., Phoenix, Ariz.       Vines, Jesse G., Phoenix, Ariz.
Howland, Harry, Flagstaff, Ariz.        Vance, William E., Austin, Tex.
Hubbell, William C., Nogales, Ariz.     Wormell, John A., Phoenix, Ariz.
Hall, Edward C., New Haven, Conn.       Younger, Charles, Winslow, Ariz.
Kastens, Harry E., Winslow, Ariz.

Wright, Albert P.  . . .  .Color Sergeant ^* . . . . .Yuma, Ariz.

[Footnote *: Color Sergeant of Regiment.]
Discharged - Disability 


Alamia, John B.  . . . . . . . .Private . . . . . . .Port Isabel, Tex.
     Discharged, account epileptic fits, per order O. A. G. O.
Pearson, Rufus W.  . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
     Discharged, Aug. 26, 1898, on certificate of discharge signed by
     Secretary of War General Alger.
Discharged By Order 


Grindell, Thomas F.  . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Tempe, Ariz.
     Discharged by telegraph order A. G. O., Sept. 8, 1898.
Hill, Wesley . . . . . . .  .Private . . . . .  .Tempe, Ariz.
     Discharged by telegraph order A. G. O., Sept. 8, 1898.
Scudder, William M.  . . .  .Private . . . . .  .Chicago, Ill.
     Discharged per special order 204, par. 52, War Department, A. G. O.,
     Washington, D. C., Aug. 30, 1898.
Wallack, Robt. R.  . . . .  .Private . . . . .  .Washington.
     Discharged, July 19, 1898, per par. 27, S. O. 203, War Department, A. G.
     O., Washington D. C., Aug. 29, 1898, being appointed 2d Lieutenant for
     Regular Army.
Transferred 


Rowdin, John E.  . . . . .  .Private . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
     Transferred, June 8, 1898, per R. O. No. 6, dated Tampa, Fla., June 8,
     1898.
Died 


Adsit, Nathaniel B.  . . .  .Private . . . . . . .Buffalo, N. Y.
     Died, Aug. 1st, at Buffalo, of typhoid fever.
Clearwater, Frank H.  . . . .Private . . . . . . .Brownsville, Tex.
     Died at Corpus Christi, Sept. 2, 1898, of typhoid malaria.
Newnhone, Thomas M.  . . .  .Private . . . . . . .Phoenix, Ariz.
     Died at hospital Fort McPherson, of typhoid fever, Aug. 4, 1898.
Troop D: Captain R. B. Huston 


Robert B. Huston  . . . .Captain . . . . . . . .Guthrie, O. T.
David M. Goodrich . . . .1st Lieutenant . . .  .Akron, Ohio.
Robert H. M. Ferguson . .2d Lieutenant . . . . .New York City.
Orlando G. Palmer  . .  .1st Sergeant . . . .  .Ponco City, O. T.
Gerald A. Webb  . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . .  .Guthrie, O. T.
Joseph A. Randolph  . . .Sergeant . . . . . .  .Waukomis, O. T.
Ira A. Hill . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . .  .Newkirk, O. T.
Charles E. Hunter . . . .Sergeant . . . . . .  .Enid, O. T.
Scott Reay . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .  .Blackwell, O. T.
Paul W. Hunter . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .  .Chandler, O. T.
Thomas Moran . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .  .Fort Sill, O. T.
Calvin Hill . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .  .Pawnee, O. T.
George Norris . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .  .Kingfisher, O. T.
John D. Roades . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .  .Hennessey, O. T.
     Wounded in battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.  G. S. leg.
Lyman F. Beard . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .  .Shawnee, O. T.
Henry Meagher  . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .  .El Reno, O. T.
     Wounded in the battle before Santiago, July 1, 1898.  Both shoulders.
Alexander H. Denham . . .Corporal . . . . . .  .Oklahoma City, O. T.
     Wounded in battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.  G. S. left thigh.
Henry K. Love . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .  .Tecumseh, O. T.
Harrison J. Holt . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .  .Denver, Col.
William D. Amrine . . . .Saddler . . . . . . . .Newkirk, O. T.
Starr W. Wetmore . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . . . .Newkirk, O. T.
     Wounded in battle before Santiago, July 1, 1898.  Right thigh, severe.
     Missile or weapon, Mauser rifle.
James T. Brown . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . . . .Newkirk, O. T.
Lorrin D. Muxlow . . .  .Wagoner . . . . . . . .Guthrie, O. T.
Troopers 


Baily, William, Norman, O. T.        Burgess, George, Shawnee, O. T.
 Wounded in battle before Santiago,  Brandon, Perry H., Lancaster, O. T.
 July 2, 1898.  Right foot.          Byrne, Peter F., Guthrie, O. T.
 Missile or weapon, Mauser rifle.    Cease, Forrest L., Guthrie, O. T.
Beal, Fred N., Kingfisher, O. T.     Chase, Leslie C., Kingfisher, O. T.
 Wounded in battle of Las Guasimas,  Cook, Walter M., Enid, O. T.
 June 24, 1898.  G. S. leg.          Crawford, William S., Enid, O. T.
Cross, William E., El Reno, O. T.    McMillan, Robert L., Shawnee, O. T.
Crockett, Warren E., Marietta, Ga.      Wounded in battle before Santiago,
 Wounded in battle before Santiago,     July 1, 1898.  Left shoulder and
 July 2, 1898.  Leg.  Missile or        arm.
 weapon, Mauser rifle.               McClure, David V., Oklahoma City,
Cunningham, Solomon M., San             O. T.
 Antonio, Tex.                       McMurtry, George G., Pittsburg, Pa.
                                     Miller, Roscoe B., Guthrie, O. T.
Carlow, Gerald, Boerne, Tex.         Miller, Volney D., Guthrie, O. T.
David, Icem J., Enid, O. T.          Munn, Edward, Elizabeth, N. J.
Emery, Elzie E., Shawnee, O. T.      Newcomb, Marcellus L., Kingfisher,
                                        O. T.
Faulk, William A., Guthrie, O. T.       Wounded in battle of Las Guasimas,
Hill, Edwin M., Tecumseh, O. T.         June 24, 1898.  G. S. right knee.
Honeycutt, James V., Shawnee, O. T.   Norris, Warren, Kingfisher, O. T.
Eppley, Kurtz, Orange, N. J.          Palmer, William F., Shawnee, O. T.
Green, Charles H., Albuquerque, N. M. Proctor, Joseph H., Pawnee, O. T.
Hatch, Charles P., Newport, R. I.     Pollock, William, Pawnee, O. T.
Holmes, Thomas M., Newkirk, O. T.     Russell, Albert P., El Reno, O. T.
 Wounded in battle before Santiago,   Sands, George H., Guthrie, O. T.
 July 1, 1898.  Left leg, severe.     Schmutz, John C., Germantown, Ohio.
 Missile or weapon, Mauser rifle.     Scott, Cliff D., Clifton, O. T.
Haynes, Jacob M., Newkirk, O. T.      Schupp, Eugene, Santa Fe, N. M.
Howard, John S., Boerne, Tex.         Shanafelt, Dick, Perry, O. T.
Ishler, Shelby F., Enid, O. T.        Shipp, Edward M., Kingfisher, O. T.
 Wounded in battle of Las Guasimas,   Stewart, Clare H., Pawnee, O. T.
 June 24, 1898.  G. S. right forearm. Stewart, Clyde H., Pawnee, O. T.
Ivy, Charles B., Waco, Tex.           Tauer, William L., Ponca City, O. T.
Johnston, Edward W., Cushing, O. T.   Thomas, Albert M., Guthrie, O. T.
 Wounded in battle before Santiago,   Vanderslice, James E., Enid, O. T.
 July 1, 1898.  Right thigh.          Van Valen, Alexander L.,
                                        Poughkeepsie, N.Y.
Joyce, Walter, Guthrie, O. T.         Wolff, Frederick W., San Antonio,
                                        Tex.
Knox, William F.                      Wright, William O., Pawnee, O. T.
Laird, Emmett, Albuquerque, N. M.     Wright, Edward L., Guthrie, O. T.
Loughmiller, Edgar F., Oklahoma City,   O. T.
Lovelace, Carl, Waco, Tex.
Lush, Henry, El Reno, O. T.
Discharged 


Shockey, James M.  . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .  .Perry, O. T.
     Discharged, July 1, 1898, by order of Asst. Adjt. Gen'l.
Luther, Arthur A.  . . . . . .Farrier . . . . . . . .Pawnee, O. T.
     Discharged, July 1, 1898, by order of Asst. Adjt. Gen'l.
Page, John F.  . . . . . . . .Private . . . . . . . .Alva, O. T.
     Discharged by verbal order of Gen'l Wood, Aug. 6, 1898.
Wells, Joseph O.  . . . . .  .Private . . . . . . . .St. Joseph, Mich.
     Discharged by order of Asst. Adjt. Gen'l, Aug. 27, 1898.
Simpson, William S.  . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .  .Dallas, Tex.
     Discharged by reason of promotion into regular army, as 2d Lieut., Sept.
     3, 1898.
Transferred 


Schuyler, A. McGinnis . . . . .1st Lieutenant . . .Newkirk, O. T.
     Promoted to Captain and transferred to Troop I 1st U. S. V. C., May 19,
     1898.
Schweizer, Jacob . . . . . .  .2d Lieutenant . .  .El Reno, O. T.
     Promoted to 1st Lieut. and assigned to duty as Q. M. 1st U. S. V. C., May
     19, 1898.
Carr, Joseph A.  . . . . . .  .1st Lieutenant . . .  .Washington, D. C.
     Transferred to Troop K 1st U. S. V. C., Sept. 5, 1898.  Wounded in battle
     before Santiago, July 2, 1898.  Left testicle.  Missile or weapon, Mauser
     rifle.
Privates 


Douthett, Matthew, Guthrie, O. T.      Mitchell, William H., Guthrie,
     Appointed Q. M. Sergeant 1st            O. T.
     U.S.V.C., and assigned to duty,         Transferred to Troop K 1st
     Aug. 31, 1898.                          U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.
Freeman, Elisha L., Ponca City,        Staley, Francis M., Waukomis,
     O. T.                                   O. T.
     Transferred to Troop K 1st              Transferred to Troop K 1st
     U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.                 U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.
Folk, Theodore, Oklahoma City, N. M.   Smith, Fred, Guthrie, O. T.
     Transferred to Troop K 1st              Transferred to Troop K 1st
     U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.                 U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.
Hulme, Robert A., El Reno, O. T.       Weitzel, John F., Newkirk, O. T.
     Transferred to Troop K 1st              Transferred to Troop K 1st
     U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.                 U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.
Jordan, Andrew M., El Reno, O. T.      Woodward, John A., El Reno, O. T.
     Transferred to Troop K 1st              Transferred to Troop K 1st
     U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.                 U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.
McGinty, William, Stillwater, O. T.    Wilson, Frank M., Guthrie, O. T.
     Transferred to Troop K 1st              Transferred to Troop K 1st
     U. S. V. C., May 11, 1898.              U.S.V.C., May 11, 1898.
                                       Burke, Edward F., Orange, N. J.
                                             Transferred to Troop A 1st
                                             U.S.V.C., July 13, 1898.
Died 


Cashion, Roy V  . . . . . . .Private . . . . . .Hennessey, O. T.
     Killed in battle before Santiago, July 1, 1898.  Head.
Miller, Theodore W.  . . .  .Private . . . . . .Akron, Ohio.
     Wounded in battle before Santiago, July 1, 1898.  Died from effects of
     wound, July 8, 1898.  Penetrating neck; severe - totally paralyzed from
     head down.
Deserted 


Crosley, Henry S.  . . . .  .Private . . . . .  .Guthrie, O. T.
     Dropped from the rolls as deserted, July 8, 1898.
Troop E: Captain Frederick Muller 


Frederick Muller . . . . . .  .Captain . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
William E. Griffin  . . . . . .1st Lieutenant . .Santa Fe, N. M.
John A. McIlhenny . . . . . . .2d Lieutenant .  .New Orleans, La.
John S. Langston . . . . . .  .1st Sergeant . . .Cerrillos, N. M.
Royal A. Prentice . . . . . . .Q. M. Sergeant . .Las Vegas, N. M.
Hugh B. Wright . . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .Las Vegas, N. M.
Albert M. Jones . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
Timothy Breen . . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded and sent to hospital, July 1, 1898.  Arm.
Berry F. Taylor . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .Las Vegas, N. M.
Thomas P. Ledgwidge . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
John Mullen . . . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .Chicago, Ill.
     Wounded and sent to hospital, July 1, 1898.  Side and head; severe.
Harman H. Wynkoop . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded in line of duty and sent to hospital, July 2, 1898.  Returned to
     duty, Sept. 4, 1898.
James M. Dean . . . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded in line of duty and sent to hospital, June 24, 1898.  Returned to
     duty, Aug. 31, 1898.  G. S. left thigh.
Edward C. Waller . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .Chicago, Ill.
     Wounded in line of duty, July 2, 1898.  Scalp, slight.
G. Roland Fortescue . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .New York, N. Y.
     Slight bullet wound in foot, July 1, 1898.
Edward Bennett . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .Cripple Creek, Col.
Charles E. Knoblauch . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .New York, N. Y.
Richard C. Conner . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
Ralph E. McFie . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .Las Cruces, N. M.
Arthur J. Griffin  . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Edward S. Lewis  . . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . .  .Las Vegas, N. M.
Robert J. Parrish  . . . . .  .Blacksmith . . . .Clayton, N. M.
Grant Hill  . . . . . . . . . .Farrier . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Joe T. Sandoval  . . . . . .  .Saddler . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Guilford B. Chapin . . . . .  .Wagoner . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Troopers 


Ausburn, Charles G., New Orleans,     Dettamore, George W., Clayton,
     La.                                N. M.
Almack, Roll, Santa Fe, N. M.           Wounded in line of duty and sent
                                        to hospital, July 1, 1898.
Brennan, John M., Santa Fe, N. M.
Baca, Jose M., Las Vegas, N. M.       Davis, Harry A., Boston, Mass.
Beard, William M., San Antonio, Tex.  Dodge, George H., Denver, Col.
Cooper, George B., Tampa, Fla.        Debli, Joseph, Tampa, Fla.
Conway, James, San Antonio, Tex.      Donavan, Freeman M., Santa Fe, N. M.
Douglas, James B., New York, N. Y.    Ludy, Dan, Las Vegas, N. M.
Easley, William T., Clayton, N. M.    Livingston, Thomas C., Hamilton Co.,
                                        Tex.
Edwards, Lawrence W.                  Lowitzki, Hyman S., Santa Fe, N. M.
Fries, Frank D., Santa Fe, N. M.      Lewis, James.
Francis, Mack, Maynesville, N. C.     Merchant, James E., Cerrillos, N. M.
Fettes, George, Antonito, Col.        Moran, William J., Cerrillos, N. M.
Gisler, Joseph, Santa Fe, N. M.       McKinnon, Samuel, Madrid, N. M.
Gibbs, James P., Santa Fe, N. M.      McKinley, Charles E., Cerrillos, N.M.
                                        Wounded in line of duty, July 1,
                                        1898. Head.
Gibbie, William R., Las Vegas, N. M
Grigsby, Braxton, New York, N. Y.     McKay, Charles F., Santa Fe, N. M.
Grigg, John G., San Antonio, Tex.     McCabe, Frederick H., Santa Fe, N.M.
Gammel, Roy U., Jersey Co., Ill.      McDowell, John C., Santa Fe, N. M.
Harding, John D., Socoro, N. M.       Morrison, Amaziah B., Las Vegas, N.
Hood, John B., New York, N. Y.        Mahan, Lloyd L., Cerrillos, N. M.
Harkness, Daniel D., Las Vegas,       Martin, Henry D., Cerrillos, N. M.
     N. M.
Hutchison, William M., Santa Fe,      Menger, Otto F., Clayton, N. M.
     N. M.                              Wounded in line of duty, July 1,
Hall, John P., Williamson Co., Tex.     1898.
     Wounded in line of duty and sent   Sent to hospital.  Left side.
     to hospital, July 1, 1898.       Mungor, William C., Santa Fe, N. M.
     Returned to duty, Aug. 31, 1898. Nettleblade, Adolph F., Cerrillos, N.M.
Hogle, William H., Santa Fe, N. M.    Roberts, Thomas, Golden, N. M.
Hudson, Arthur J., Santa Fe, N. M.    Ryan, John E., Santa Fe, N. M.
Hulskotter, John, Santa Fe, N. M.       Wounded, July 1, 1898, in line
                                        of duty.
Hutchason, Joseph M., Jimtown, Tenn.  Ramsey, Homer M., Pearsall, Tex.
Howell, William S. E., Cerrillos,     Seaders, Ben. F., Las Vegas, N. M.
     N. M.
Hadden, David A., San Antonio, Tex.   Skinner, Arthur V., Santa Fe, N. M.
Hixon, Thomas L., Las Vegas, N. M.    Schnepple, William C., Santa Fe, N.M.
Heard, Judson, Pecos City, Tex.       Scanlon, Edward, Cerrillos, N. M.
Hamlin, Warden W., Chicago, Ill.      Slevin, Edward, Tampa, Fla.
Jones, Thomas B., Santa Fe, N. M.     Taylor, William R., New York, N. Y.
Johnston, Charles E., San Antonio,    Wagner, William W., Bland, N. M.
     Tex.
Jacobus, Charles W., Santa Fe, N. M.  Wright, George, Madrid, N. M.
Knapp, Edgar A., Elizabeth, N. J.     Wynkoop, Charles W., Santa Fe, N. M.
Kingsley, Charles E., Las Vegas,      Warren, George W., Santa Fe, N. M.
     N. M.
Kissam, William A., New York, N. Y.
Lowe, Frank, Santa Fe, N. M.
Discharged 


Dame, William E.  . . . . .1st Sergeant . . . . .Cerrillos, N. M.
     Discharged per O. reg. comds., Aug. 10, 1898.
Wesley, Frederick C.  . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Discharged on account of disability, Aug. 26, 1898.  Wounded forearm,
     slight, July 1, 2, or 3.
Transferred By Verbal Order Regimental Commander, May 12, 1898 


Reber, William R.  . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Price, Stuart R.  . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Bernard, William C.  . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Brown, Hiram T.  . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Bump, Arthur L.  . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Cloud, William . . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Davis, Henry Clay . . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Duran, Jose L.  . . . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Easton, Stephen . . . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Fennell, William A.  . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Fleming, Clarence A.  . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Holden, Prince A.  . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Land, Oscar N.  . . . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Martin, John . . . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Roberts, John P.  . . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Stephens,Orregon . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Torbett, John G.  . . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Williams, Thomas C.  . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Zigler, Daniel J.  . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . . . .  .
Died 


Cochran, Irad, Jr.  . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . .
     Died, May 26, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.  Spinal meningitis.
Miller, John S.  . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . .
     Died, July 16, 1898, of yellow fever, at Siboney, Cuba.
Judson, Alfred M.  . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . .
     Died Aug. 17, 1898, of typhoid fever, at Montauk Point, L. I.
O'Neill, John . . . . . . .  .Trooper . . . . . . . . . .
     Died, Aug. 3, 1898, of dysentery, at Edgmont Key, Fla.
Killed 


Green, Henry C.  . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . .
     Killed in action, July 1, 1898, near Santiago de Cuba.
Robinson, John F.  . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . . . . .
     Killed in action, July 2, 1898, near Santiago de Cuba.
Alterations, September 7, 1898 


Sherrard, Coleman . . . . . .1st Lieutenant . .Santa Fe, N. M.
John A. McIlhenny . . . . . .2d Lieutenant .  .New Orleans, La.




ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Appendix A: Muster-Out Roll
    
Part III

Troop F: Captain Maximilian Luna 


Maximilian Luna . . . . . .  .Captain . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
Horace W. Weakley  . . . . . .1st Lieutenant .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
William E. Dame  . . . . . . .2d Lieutenant . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Transferred from Troop E to F.
Horace E. Sherman . . . . .  .1st Sergeant . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Garfield Hughes . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Thomas D. Fennessy  . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
William L. Mattocks . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
James Doyle . . . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
George W. Armijo . . . . . . .Sergeant  . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded in action, June 24th.  G. S. wrist.
Eugene Bohlinger . . . . . . .Sergeant . .  . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
Herbert A. King . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Edward Donnelly . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
John Cullen . . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Edward Hale . . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Arthur P. Spenser . . . . .  .Corporal  . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
John Boehnke . . . . . . . . .Corporal . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Albert Powers . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded in action, July 1, 1898.
Wentworth S. Conduit . . . . .Corporal . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
Ray V. Clark . . . . . . . . .Farrier . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Contusion scalp, slight.  Missile shrapnel.  Wounded near Santiago de
     Cuba, July 1, 2, or 3, 1898.
Charles R. Gee . . . . . . . .Farrier . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
Jefferson Hill . . . . . . . .Wagoner . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
J. Kirk McKurdy . . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . .San Antonio, Tex.
Arthur L. Perry . . . . . .  .Bugler . . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Shoulder.  Mauser rifle.  Wounded near Santiago de Cuba, July 1, 2, or 3,
     1898.
Privates 


Albers, H. L., Santa Fe, N. M.       Bell, Wm. A., Tampa, Fla.
     Wounded in action, June 24,     Brennan, Jeremiah, Santa Fe, N. M.
     1898.
     G. S. right wrist.              Burris, Walter C., Santa Fe, N. M.
Albertson, Ed J., Santa Fe, N. M.    Byrne, John, Muscogee, I. T.
     Wounded in action, June 24.        Transferred from Troop L to F.
     G. S. wrist.                    Bell, John H., Santa Fe, N. M.
Alexander James, Santa Fe, N. M.     Cochran, William O., Santa Fe, N M.
Abbott, Chas. G., Santa Fe, N. M.    Clark, Frank J., San Antonio, Tex.
Adams, Edgar S., San Antonio, Tex.   Colbert, Benjamin H., San Antonio, Tex.
Alexander, James F., Santa Fe, N. M. Christian, Edward D., Tampa, Fla.
Black, James S., Santa Fe, N. M.     Clelland, Calvin G., Santa Fe, N. M.
Bailey, Rob't Z., Santa Fe, N. M.    Conley, Edward C., Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded in action, June 24th.   Cochran, Willard M., Santa Fe, N. M.
     G. S. both legs.                Raymond, Milliard L., Santa Fe, N. M.
Boschen, John, San Antonio, Tex.     Reed, Harry B., Santa Fe, N. M.
Cherry, Charles C., Santa Fe, N. M.  Reed, Clifford L., Santa Fe, N. M.
Dougherty, Louis, Santa Fe, N. M.       Wounded in action, June 24, 1898.
De Bohun, John C., Santa Fe, N. M.      In arm.
Farley, William, Santa Fe, N. M.     Renner, Charles L., Santa Fe, N. M.
Freeman, Will, Santa Fe, N. M.       Reynolds, Edwin L., Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded by fragments of shell   Russell, Arthur L., Santa Fe, N. M.
     in wrist, July 1, 1898.         Rebentisch, Adolph, San Antonio, Tex.
     Left wrist.                        Gunshot wound in shoulder, June 24,
Gibbs, Henry M., Santa Fe, N. M.        1898. Left shoulder.
     Gunshot wound in foot, July 1,
     1898.
Gallagher, Wm. D., Santa Fe, N. M.   Reyer, Adolph T., Santa Fe, N. M.
Goldberg, Samuel, Santa Fe, N. M.    Rogers, Albert, Santa Fe, N. M.
     Wounded in action, July 1,      Rice, Lee C., Santa Fe, N. M.
     1898.
     Hip.  Mauser rifle.             Staub, Louis E., Santa Fe, N. M.
Glessner, Otis, Santa Fe, N. M.      Shields, William G., Santa Fe, N. M.
Green, John D., Santa Fe, N. M.      Stockbridge, Arthur H., Santa Fe, N. M.
Hartle, Albert C., Santa Fe, N. M.   Sharland, George H., Santa Fe, N. M.
     Gunshot wound in testicles,     Skipwith, John G., Santa Fe, N. M.
     June 24, 1898.                  Sinnett, James B., Santa Fe, N. M.
Hopping, Charles O., Santa Fe,       Tangen, Edward, Santa Fe, N. M.
     N. M.
Hammer, George, Santa Fe, N. M.      Trump, Norman O., Santa Fe, N. M.
Kennedy, Stephan A., Santa Fe,       Vinnedge, George E., Santa Fe, N. M.
     N. M.
Leffert, Charles E., Santa Fe,       Wardwell, Louis C., Santa Fe, N. M.
     N. M.
Lisk, Guy M., Santa Fe, N. M.        Warren, Paul, Santa Fe, N. M.
Leach, John M., Santa Fe, N. M.      Watrous, Charles E., Santa Fe, N. M.
Le Stourgeon, E. Guy, San Antonio,   Weber, Beauregard, Santa Fe, N. M.
     Tex.
Lavelle, Nolan Z., San Antonio,      Weller, Samuel M., San Antonio, Tex.
     Tex.
Martin, Thomas, Santa Fe, N. M.      Winter, John G., San Antonio, Tex.
Mills, John B., Santa Fe, N. M.         Gunshot wounds in shoulder, arm
McGregor, Herbert P., Santa Fe,         and leg, July 1, 1898.
     N. M.
     Wounded in action, July 1,      Winter, Otto R., San Antonio, Tex.
     1898.
     Left shoulder.  Mauser rifle.   Wertheim, Adolph S., San Antonio, Tex.
McCurdy, F. Allen, San Antonio,      Walsh, John, Santa Fe, N. M.
     Tex.
Nickell, William E., Santa Fe,       Wells, Thomas J., Santa Fe, N. M.
     N. M.
Nesbit, Otto W., Santa Fe, N. M.     Wilson, Harry W., Tampa, Fla.
Newitt, George W., Santa Fe, N. M.
Neal, John M., Santa Fe, N. M.
Parmele, Charles A., Santa Fe, N. M.
Quier, Frank T., Santa Fe, N. M.
Discharged. 


Douglass, James . . . . . . . . .Private . . . . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
           Discharged acct. Surgeon's certificate of disability.
Transferred. 


Keyes, Maxwell . . . . . . . .  .2d Lieutenant . . .  .Santa Fe, N. M.
                Promoted to Adjutant, August 1, 1898
Privates. 


Flynn, Joseph F., Santa Fe, N. M.   Nehmer, Charles A., Santa Fe, N. M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,      Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May, 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.    May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.
Goodrich, Hedrick Ben, Santa Fe,    Rogers, Leo G., N. M.
 N. M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,      Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.     May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.
Hickey, Walter, Santa Fe, N. M.     Rafalowitz, Hyman, Santa Fe, N. M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,      Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.     May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.
Hogan, Michael, Santa Fe, N. M.     Spencer, Edwards John, Santa Fe, N.M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,       Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.      May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.
King, Harry Bruce, Santa Fe, N. M.  Schearnhorst, Jr., Carl J., Santa Fe, N.M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,       Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.      May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.
Kerney, George M., Santa Fe, N. M.  Temple, Frank, Santa Fe, N. M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,       Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.      May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.
Larsen, Louis, Santa Fe, N. M.      Bawcom, Joseph L., Santa Fe, N. M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,       Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.      May 12, 1898, at San Antonio, Tex.
McCoy, John, Santa Fe, N. M.
 Transferred from Troop F to I,
 May 12, 1898, San Antonio, Tex.
Died. 


Booth, Frank B  . . . . . . . .Private . . . .  .Madison, Wis.
     Wounded in action at Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898; died at Key West,
     August 30, 1898.  G. S. right shoulder.
Erwin, William T.  . . . . .  .Private . . . .  .Austin, Tex.
     Killed in action, June 24, 1898, Las Guasimas.  G. S. head.
Endsley, Guy D.  . . . . . .  .Private . . . .  .Somerfield, Pa.
     Died in Cuba, July 18, 1898, of fever.
Deserted. 


Thompson, Charles . . . . . . . .Private . . . . .Mercer Co., W. Va.
     Deserted at Tampa, Fla., July 27, 1898.
Discharged. 


McIlhenny, John A.  . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .San Antonio, Tex.
     Discharged to accept commission.
Troop G: Captain William H. H. Llewellen 


William H. H. Llewellen . .  .Captain . . . . . . .Las Cruces, N. M.
John Wesley Green . . . . .  .1st Lieutenant . .  .Gallup, N. M.
David J. Leahy . . . . . . . .2d Lieutenant . . . .Raton, N. M.
     On sick list from July 1st to Sept. 3d from wound received in
     San Juan battle.
Columbus H. McCaa . . . . .  .1st Sergeant . . .  .Gallup, N. M.
Jacob S. Mohler . . . . . .  .Q. M. Sergeant . .  .Gallup, N. M.
Raymond Morse . . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .  .
Rolla A, Fullenweider . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .  .Raton, N. M.
Matthew T. McGehee . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .  .Raton, N. M.
James Brown . . . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .  .Gallup, N. M.
Nicholas A. Vyne . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . .  .Emporia, Kan.
Raleigh L. Miller . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .  .Pueblo, Col.
Henry Kirah . . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Gallup, N. M.
James D. Ritchie . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .  .Gallup, N. M.
Luther L. Stewart . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Raton, N. M.
     Wounded in battle, June 24th.  Absent since on account of wound.
     G. S. left forearm.
John McSparron . . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .  .Gallup, N. M.
     Wounded, July 1st.  Absent since on account of wound.  Right thigh,
     severe.  Missile, shrapnel.
Frank Briggs . . . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . .  .Raton, N. M.
Edward C. Armstrong . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Albuquerque, N. M.
William S. Reid . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Raton, N. M.
Hiram E. Williams . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . .  .Raton, N. M.
George V. Haefner . . . . .  .Farrier . . . . . . .Gallup, N. M.
Frank A. Hill . . . . . . .  .Saddler . . . . . . .Raton, N. M.
Thomas O'Neal . . . . . . .  .Wagoner . . . . . . .Springer, N. M.
Willis E. Somers . . . . . . .Trumpeter . . . . . .Raton, N. M.
Edward G. Piper . . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . . .Silver City, N. M.
Alvin C. Ash . . . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . . . .Raton, N. M.
     Absence from command since July 1st to Sept. 7th on account of wound
     received in battle.  Wrist, slight.  Missile, shrapnel.
Troopers. 


Arnold, Edward B., Prescott, Ariz.   Beissel, John J., Gallup, N. M.
Akin, James E., Dolores, Col.        Camp, Cloid, Raton, N. M.
Anderson, Arthur T., Albuquerque,    Camp, Marion, Raton, N. M.
 N. M.
Andrews, William C., Sulphur         Covenaugh, Thomas F., Raton, N.M.
 Springs, Tex.                        Absent since June 24th on account
Beck, Joseph H., San Antonio, Tex.    of wound received in battle.
Bishop, Louis B., San Antonio, Tex.
Brumley, Jr., William H., Dolores,   Cody, William E., St. Louis, Mo.
 Cal.
Brown, Robert, Gallup, N. M.         Chopetal, Frank W., Buffalo, N. Y.
Brown, Edwin M., San Antonio, Tex.   Coyle, Michael H., Raton, N. M.
Brazelton, William H., St. Louis,     Absent on sick leave since June 24th
 Mo.                                  on account of wound in arm
Clark, Winslow, Milton, Mass.         received in battle.
 Absent on sick leave since July     McCarthy, George H., Los Angeles. Cal.
 1st on account of gunshot wound
 through lung received in battle.    McKinney, Frank G., Harrison, Ark.
 Right lung, severe.  Missile        McKinney, Oliver, Cannon City, Col.
 or weapon, Mauser rifle.            McMullen, Samuel J., St. Louis, Mo.
Cotton, Frank W., Jennings, La.      Noish, John, Raton, N. M.
Conover, Alfred J., Chicasee, I. T.  Phipps, T. W., Bland, N. M.
Detwiler, Sherman, Muscatine, Ia.    Petty, Archibald, Gallup, N. M.
Dunn, Alfred B., Calvert, Tex.       Pennington, Elijah, San Antonio, Tex.
Edmunds, John H., Alleghany, Pa.     Preston, Robert A., Stiles, Tex.
Faupel, Henry F., Martington, Ill.   Quigg, George H., Gallup, N. M.
Fornoff, Frederick, Albuquerque,     Quinn, Walter D., San Marcial, N. M.
 N. M.
Fitch, Roger S., Buffalo, N. Y.      Radcliff, William, Gallup, N. M.
Gibson, William C., Gallup, N. M.    Richards, Richard, Albuquerque, N.M.
Gevers, Louis, Austin, Tex.          Rayburn, Harry C., Camden, Ia.
 Absent from July 1st till Aug.      Reid, Robert W., Raton, N. M.
 2d on account of gunshot wound       Absent on sick leave from June
 in hips received in battle.          24th to Sept. 8th on account of
Goodwin, John, Gallup, N. M.          wound in side received in battle.
Healey, Frank F., Brooklyn, N. Y.     G. S. to right hip.
Henderson, John, Gallup, N. M.       Ragland, Robert C., Guthrie, O. T.
 Absent from July 1st to Sept. 2d    Roland, George, Deming, N. M.
 on account of wound in arm           G. S. to right side, June 24, 1898.
 received in battle.  Wrist.         Stillson, Earl, Topeka, Kan.
 Missile or weapon, Mauser rifle.    Simmons, Charles M., Raton, N. M.
Henshaw, Laten R., El Paso, Tex.     Slaughter, Benjamin, San Antonio, Tex.
Johnson, Albert John, Raton, N. M.   Shannon, Charles W., Raton, N. M.
Kline, John S., San Marcial, N. M.   Thomas, Neal, Aztec, N. M.
Keeley, Bert T., Lamy, N. M.         Travis, Grant, Aztec, N. M.
King, Henry A., Massitee, Mich.      Van Horn, Eustace E., Halstead, Kan.
Littleton, Elias M., Springer,       Welch, Toney, Durango, Col.
 N. M.
Lincoln, Malcom D., Lucknow, I. T.   Whittington, Richard, Gallup, N. M.
Larson, Anton, Silverton, Col.       Whited, Lyman E., Raton, N. M.
Lyle, James C., Georgetown, Col.     Wood, William D., Bland, N. M.
Miller, Frank P., Los Angeles, Cal.  Wright, Clarence, Springer, N. M.
Meyers, Fred P., Gallup, N. M.
 Reduced from 1st Sergt. to Trooper on
 account of absence caused by wound
 received in battle, July 1, 1898.
 Head, severe.
Moran, Daniel, Gallup, N. M.
Mann, Eugene M., Omaha, Neb.
Discharged. 


Swan, George D.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Gallup, N. M.
     Discharged on account of disability.
Thompson, Frank M.  . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Aztec, N. M.
     Discharged on account of disability.
Deserted. 


McCulloch, Samuel T.  . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Springer, N. M.
     Deserted from camp at Tampa, Fla., Aug. 4, 1898.
Deaths. 


Green, J. Knox . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Rancho, Tex.
     Died at Montauk Point, N. Y., Camp U. S. Troops, Aug. 15, because of
     sickness which originated in line of duty.
Lutz, Eugene A.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Raton, N. M.
     Detained in yellow-fever hospital by medical authorities when regiment
     left Cuba.
     Died in same, Aug. 15, 1898.
Killed In Action. 


Haefner, Henry J.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Gallup, N. M.
     In battle, June 24, 1898.
Russell, Marcus D.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Troy, N. Y.
     Killed in action, June 24, 1898.
Transferred. 


Arendt, Henry J.  . . . . . . .Sergeant . . .  .Gallup, N. M.
     Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
Corbe, M. C.  . . . . . . . . .Trumpeter . . . .
     Transferred to Troop K, May 11.
Troopers. 


Bailie, Henry C., Gallup, N. M.     Kania, Frank, Jamestown, N. D.
 Transferred from Troop I to         Transferred to Troop K, May 11th.
 Troop G, Aug. 31, 1898.            Pierce, Ed., Chicago, Ill.
Love, William J., Raton, N. M.       Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.  Saville, Michael, Chicago, Ill.
Morgan, Schuyler C., Hazard, Ky.     Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.  Sinnett, Lee, Maizeville, W. Va.
Morgan, Ulysses G., Hazard, Ky.      Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.  Tait, John H., Raton, N. M.
Odell, William D., Parkersburg,      Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
 W. Va.                             Peabody, Harry, Raton, N. M.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.   Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
Donnelly, Rutherford B. H.,         McGowan, Alexander, Gallup, N. M.
 Jefferson, O. T.                    Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.  Brown, John, Gallup, N. M.
Evans, Evan, Gallup, N. M.           Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.  Crockett, Joseph B., Raton, N. M.
Groves, Oscar W., Raton, N. M.       Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.
Jones, William H., Raton, N. M.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12th.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Appendix A: Muster-Out Roll
      
Part IV

Troop H: Captain George Curry 


George Curry . . . .  .Captain . . . . .  .Tularosa, N. M.
William H. Kelly . .  .1st Lieutenant . . .East Las Vagas, N. M.
Charles L. Ballard .  .2d Lieutenant . .  .Roswell, N. M.
Green A. Settle . . . .1st Sergeant . . . .Jackson Co., Ky.
Nevin P. Gutilius . . .Sergeant . . . . . .Tularosa, N. M.
William A. Mitchell . .Sergeant . . . . . .El Paso, Tex.
Oscar de Montell . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Roswell, N. M.
Thomas Darnell . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Denver, Col.
Willis J. Physioc . . .Sergeant . . . . . .Columbia, S. C.
Michael C. Rose . . . .Sergeant . . . . . .Silver City, N. M.
Nova A. Johnson . . . .Sergeant . . . . . .Roswell, N. M.
Morton M. Morgan . .  .Corporal . . . . . .Silver City, N. M.
Arthur E. Williams .  .Corporal . . . . . .Las Cruces, N. M.
Frank Murray . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .Roswell, N. M.
Morgan O. B. Lewellyn .Corporal . . . . . .Las Cruces, N. M.
James C. Hamilton . . .Corporal . . . . . .Roswell, N. M.
George F. Jones . . . .Corporal . . . . . .El Paso, Tex.
Charles P. Cochran .  .Corporal . . . . . .Eddy, N. M.
John M. Kelly . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .El Paso, Tex.
Robert E. Ligon . . . .Trumpeter . . . .  .Beaumont, Tex.
Gaston R. Dehumy . .  .Trumpeter . . . .  .Sante Fe, N. M.
Uriah Sheard . . . .  .Blacksmith . . . . .El Paso, Tex.
Robert L. Martin . .  .Farrier . . . . .  .Sante Fe, N. M.
John Shaw . . . . . . .Saddler . . . . .  .Scott Co., Iowa.
Taylor B. Lewis . . . .Wagoner . . . . .  .Las Cruces, N. M.

   See--Four officers

Troopers. 

Allison, Jovillo, Bentonville, Ark.  Dunkle, Frederick W., East Las
Amonette, Albert B., Roswell, N. M.   Vagas, N. M.
Bendy, Cecil C., El Paso, Tex.       Douglas, Arthur L., Eddy, N. M.
Black, Columbus L., Las Cruces,      Eaton, Frank A., Silver City, N. M.
 N. M.
Bryan, John B., Las Cruces, N. M.    Fletcher, Augustus C., Silver City,
                                      N. M.
Bogardus, Frank, Las Cruces, N. M.   Frye, Obey B., Flagstaff, Ariz.
Brown, Percy, Spring Hill, Tenn.     Gasser, Louis, El Paso, Tex.
Baker, Philip S., Clinton, Ia.       George, Ira W., Quincy, Ill.
Bullard, John W., Guadaloupe, Tex.   Grisby, James B., Deming, N. M.
Connell, Thomas J., Bennett, Tex.    Hamilton, James M., Deming, N. M.
Corbett, Thomas F., Roswell, N. M.   Herring, Leary O., Silver City, N.M.
Cornish, Thomas J., Freestone, Tex.  Hunt, Le Roy R., Cincinnati, O.
Crawford, Clinton K., Cincinnati, O. Houston, Robert C., Hillsboro, N. M.
Cone, John S., Tularosa, N. M.       James, Frank W., Marion Co., Ga
Duran, Abel B., Silver City, N. M.   Johnson, Charles, Lund, Sweden.
Duran, Jose L., Sante Fe, N. M.      Johnson, Harry F., Beaumont, Tex.
Dorsey, Lewis, Silver City, N. M.    Johnson, Lewis L., Beaumont, Tex.
Doty, George B., Santa Fe, N. M.     Roberson, James R., Belle Co., Tex.
Kehoe, Michael J., Ottawa, Canada.   Rutherford, Bruce H., Pana, Ill.
Kehn, Amandus, Silver City, N. M.    Regan, John J., Beaumont, Tex.
Kinnebrugh, Ollie A., El Paso, Tex.  Sharp, Emerson E., Wanamaker, Tenn.
Kendall, Harry J., Coldsborg, Ky.    Stewart, Newtown, El Paso, Tex.
Lawson, Frank H., Las Cruces, N. M.  Scroggins, Oscar, Logan Co., Ill.
Lewis, Adelbert, Beaver Co., Utah.   St. Clair, Edward C., New Orleans, La.
Lannon, John, Hillsboro, N. M.       Saucier, Harry S., New Orleans, La.
Mooney, Thomas A., Silver City,      Schutt, Henry, Warren, Pa.
 N. M.
Moneckton, William J., San Antonio,  Sawyer, Benjamin, Hillsboro, Ill.
 Tex.
McAdams, Joel H., Mt. Pilia, Tenn.   Thompson, Alexander M., Deming, N.M.
McAdams, Richard P., Mt. Pilia,
 Tenn.                               Traynor, William S., Wilcox, Ariz.
McCarty, Frederick J., Mentzville,   Thomas, Theodore C., Leavenworth,
 Mo.                                  Kan.
Murray, George F., Deming, N. M.     Waggoner, Daniel G., Roswell, N. M.
Nobles, William H., Silver City,     Waggoner, Curtis C., Roswell, N. M.
 N. M.
Neff, Nettleton, Cincinnati, O.      Wilson, Charles E., Boulder, Col.
Owens, Clay T., El Paso, Tex.        Wilkinson, Samuel I., Cincinnati, O.
Ott, Charles H., Silver City, N. M.  Woodson, Pickens E., Honey Grove,
                                      Tex.
Pace, John, Bentonville, Ark.        Wheeler, Frank G., Chautauqua Co.,
                                      N. Y.
Pipkins, Price.                      Wickham, Patrick A., Socorro, N. M.
Powell, Lory H., Roswell, N. M.
Pronger, Norman W., Silver City, N. M.
Pollock, John F., Tularosa, N. M.
Piersol, James M., Osborne, Mo.
Discharged. 

Rynerson, William L.  . . . . .Sergeant . . . .Las Cruces, N. M.
     Discharged from service of U. S. Army by reason of special order No. 145
     Hd. Qrs., U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.
Transferred. 

John B. Wiley  . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . . .
     Transferred to Troop I, May 12, 1898.
Joseph F. Kansky . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . . .
John V. Morrison . . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Transferred to Troop I, May 12, 1898.
Privates. 

Lee, Robert E., Donabua, N. M.     Cate, James S., Grape Vine, Tex.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,    Transferred to Troop I, May 12,
 1898.                              1898.
Bennett, Orton A., Jack Co., Tex.  Casad, C. Darwin, Las Cruces, N. M.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,    Transferred to Troop I, May 12,
 1898.                              1898.
Brito, Jose, El Paso, Tex.         Dolan, Thomas P., Ticonderoga, N. Y.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,    Transferred to Troop I, May 12,
 1898.                              1898.
Brito, Frank C., El Paso, Tex.     Storms, Morris J., Roswell, N. M.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,    Transferred to Troop I, May 12,
 1898.                              1898.
Farrell, Frederick P., El Paso,    Sullivan, William J., Manchester, Va.
 Tex.                               Transferred to Troop I, May 12, 1898.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,
 1898.
Frenger, Muna C., Las Cruces,      Fritz, William H., Windsor, Conn.
 N.M., Transferred to Troop I,      Transferred to Troop I,
 May 12, 1898.                      May 12, 1898.
Hermeyer, Ernest H., Germany       Eberman, Henry J., Bremen, Germany.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,    Transferred from Troop K to Troop H,
 1898.                              May 16, 1898.  Re-transferred to K,
Jopling, Cal., Hamilton Co., Tex.   June 8, 1898.  Died.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,   Bucklin, E. W., Chautauqua Co., N. Y.
 1898.                              Transferred to Troop L, June 8, 1898.
Nehmer, William, Staten, Germany.  Wright, Grant, Cold Springs, N. Y.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12,    Transferred to Troop L, June 8, 1898.
 1898.
Roediger, August, Charlotte, N. C.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12, 1898.
Schafer, George, Pinos Altos, N. M.
 Transferred to Troop I, May 12, 1898.
Died. 

Gosling, Frederick W.  . . . . . . . . . . . . .Bedfordshire, Eng.
     Died in hospital at Camp Wikoff, N. Y., Aug. 19, 1898.
Casey, Edwin Eugene  . . . . . . . . . . . .  . Las Cruces, N. M.
     Died in hospital at Camp Wikoff, N. Y., Sept. 1, 1898.
Deserted. 

Ewell, Edward A.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .Adrian, Ill.
     Deserted, June 28, 1898, at Tampa, Fla.
Miller, Samuel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Roswell, N. M.
     Deserted, June 28, 1898, at Tampa, Fla.

Troop I: Captain Schuyler A. McGinnis 

Schuyler A. McGinnis . . .Captain . . . . . .  .Newkirk, O. T.
Frederick W. Wintge . .  .1st Lieutenant . . . .Sante Fe, Mex.
Samuel Grenwald . . . .  .2d Lieutenant . . .  .Prescott, Ariz.
John B. Wylie . . . . .  .1st Sergeant . . . . .Fort Bayard, N. Mex.
Schuyler C. Morgan . . . .Q. M. Sergeant . . . .Durango, Col.
John V. Morrison . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Springerville, Ariz.
William R. Reber . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .
Basil M. Ricketts . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . . .Lambs' Club, N. Y.
Percival Gassett . . . . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Dedham, Mass.
James S. Cate . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . . .Grape Vine, Tex.
William H. Waffensmith . .Sergeant . . . . . . .Raton, N. M.
August Roediger . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Charlotte, N. C.
Numa C. Freuger . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Las Cruces, N. Mex.
William J. Sullivan . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Silver City, N. M.
William J. Nehmer . . .  .Corporal . . . . . . .Silver City, N. M.
Abraham L. Bainter . . . .Corporal . . . . . . .Colorado Springs, Col.
Hiram T. Brown . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . . .Albuquerque, N. M.
Errickson M. Nichols . . .Corporal . . . . . . .52 E. 78th St., New York City
George M. Kerney . . . . .Corporal . . . . . . .Globe, Ariz.
Robert E. Lea . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . .  .Dona Ana, N. M.
Clarence H. Underwood .  .Trumpeter . . . . .  .Colorado Springs, Col.
Charles A. Nehmer . . .  .Blacksmith . . . . . .Chicago, Ill.
Hayes Donnelly . . . . . .Farrier . . . . . .  .Jefferson, O. T.
Leo G. Rogers . . . . .  .Saddler . . . . . .  .Bogart, Mo.
Everett E. Holt . . . .  .Wagoner . . . . . .  .Coffeyville, Kan.
Troopers. 

Alexis, George D., New Orleans, La.   McCoy, John, Monrovia, Cal.
Arendt, Henry J., Hoboken, N. J.      McGowan, Alexander, Gallup, N. M.
Armstrong, Charles M.                 Martin, John, Decanter, Ill.
Adkins, Joseph R.                     Miller, Edwin H., Junction City, Kan.
Bates, William H.                     Miller, David R.
Barrowe, Hallett A.                   Miller, Jacob H., Needles, Cal.
Bawcom, Joseph L., Bisbee, Ariz.      Morgan, U. S. Grant, Durango, Col.
Bennett, Horton A., Tularosa, N. M.   Morris, Ben F. T., Raton, N. M.
Brito, Frank C., Pinos Altos, N. M.   Moore, Roscoe E., Raton, N. M.
Brito, Jose, Los Angeles, Cal.        North, Franklin H., 2 W. 35th St.,
Brush, Charles A., Hanford, Cal.       New York City
Bassage, Albert C., Corning, N. Y.    O'Dell, William W., Parkersburg,
Casad, Charles D., Mesilla, N. M.      W. Va.
                                      Peabody, Harry, Raton, N. M.
Cloud, William.                       Pierce, Edward, Chicago, Ill.
Crockett, Joseph B., Topeka, Kan.     Price, Stewart R., Plattsburg, Mo.
Coe, George M., Albuquerque, N. M.    Rafalowitz, Hyman, Philadelphia, Pa.
Clark, Frank M., Hiawatha, Kan.       Roberts, John P., Clayton, N. M.
Davis, Henry C., Santa Fe, N. M.      Reisig, Max, Y. M. C. A., St. Louis,
                                       Mo.
Dolan, Thomas P., Pinos Altos, N. M.  Raulett, Charles, New Orleans, La.
Denny, Robert W., Raton, Mex.         Reidy, John, Ottawa, Kan.
Duke, Henry K., Lipscomb, Tex.        Shornhorst, Carl J. Jr.
Evans, Evan, Gallup, N. M.            Schafer, George, Pinos Altos, N. M.
Fennel, William A., Reunion, Md.      Sennett, Lee, Marysville, W. Va.
Flynn, Joseph F., Albuquerque, N. M.  Storms, Morris J., Centerpoint, Tex.
Geiger, Percy A., Durango, Col.       Spencer, Edward John, Clay County,
                                       Tex.
Gooch, John R., Sante Fe, N. M.       Tait, John H.
Groves, Oscar W., Raton, N. M.        Temple, Frank, Lafayette, Ind.
Goodrich, Ben Hedric.                 Torbett, John T., Yale, Kan.
Giller, Alfred C. Topeka, Kan.        Tritz, William H., Windsor, Conn.
Hermeyer, Ernest H., Roswell, N. M.   Townsend Charles M., Faribault, Minn.
Hickey, Walter, Wishua, N. H.         Twyman, John L., Raton, N. M.
Hogan, Michael.                       Thompson, George.
Jones, William H., Raton, N. M.       Williams, Thomas C.
Jopling, Cal, La Luz, N. M.           Wiley, Harry B., Santa Fe, N. M.
King, Harry B., Raton, N. M.          Wisenberg, Roy O., Raton, N. M.
Larsen, Louis.                        Zeigler, Daniel J., Como, Mont.
Love, William J., Jersey City, N. J.
Discharged. 

Brown, Harry R.  . . . . . . .Private . . . .  .Tampa, Fla.
     Discharged at Tampa, Fla., Aug. 5, 1898, per S. O. 153 A. G. O.,
     dated June 30 1898, and final statements forwarded to A. G. O.,
     Washington, D.C., Aug. 3, 1898
Young, Howard G.  . . . . .  .Private . . . .  .
     Discharge to date from Aug. 23, 1898.
Transferred. 

Girard, Alfred O.  . . . . . .1st Sergeant . .  .
     Transferred, July 18, 1898, to 2d Army Corps, Camp Alger, per telegraphic
     instructions A. G. O., Washington, D. C.
Cowdin, Elliot C.  . . . . . .Corporal . . . .  .
     Transferred to Troop L 1st U. S. Vol. Cav., to date June 7, 1898, per
     verbal order Reg. Commander.
Fish, Hamilton Jr.  . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .
     TransferTed to Troop L 1st U. S. Vol. Cav., June 7, 1898, per verbal
     order Reg. Commander.  Killed in battle, June 24, 1898.
Wilson, Charles A.  . . . .  .Private . . . . . .
     Transferred to Hosp. Corps 1st U. S. Vol. Cav., June 7, 1898, verbal
     order Reg. Commander.
Greenway, John C.  . . . . . .2d Lieutenant . . .
     Promoted 1st Lieut. Troop A 1st U. S. Vol. Cav.
Bailey, Harry C.  . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .
     Transferred back to Troop G, Sept. 1, 1898, per verbal order Reg.
     Commander.
Died. 

Tiffany, William . . . . . . .2d Lieutenant . . .
     Died Aug. 26, 1898.
Deserted. 

Saville, Michael . . . . . . .Private . . . . . .
     Deserted from Camp Wikoff, L. I., Aug. 20, 1898.
Brown, John . . . . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .
     Deserted while en route from Camp Wood, San Antonio, Tex., to camp at
     Tampa, Fla., June 3, 1898.
Farrell, Fred. P.  . . . . . .Private . . .  .
     Deserted while en route from Camp Wood, San Antonio, Tex., to camp at
     Tampa, Fla., June 3, 1898.
Troop K: Captain Woodbury Kane 

Woodbury Kane  . . . . .Captain . . . .  .319 Fifth Ave., New York City.
Joseph A. Carr  . . .  .1st Lieutenant . .2127 R. St., Washington, D. C.
Horace K. Devereux . . .2d Lieutenant .  .Colorado Springs, Col.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1, 1898; forearm and arm: Mauser rifle.
Frederick K. Lie . . . .1st Sergeant . . .Orgun P. O., N. M.
Thaddeus Higgins . . . .Sergeant . . . . .210 W. 104th St., New York City.
Reginald Ronalds . . . .Sergeant . . . . .Knickerbocker Club, N. Y. City.
Samuel G. Devore . . . .Sergeant . . . . .Wheeling, W. Va.
     Wounded at El Poso, July 1st; left forearm; shrapnel.
Philip K. Sweet . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .226 W. 121st St., New York City.
William J. Breen . . . .Sergeant . . . . .510 E. 144th St., New York City.
Craig W. Wadsworth . . .Sergeant . . . . .Geneseo, N. Y.
Henry W. Buel . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . .319 Fifth Ave., New York City.
James B. Tailor . . .  .Corporal . . . . .Ardsley on Hudson, N. Y.
Joseph S. Stevens . .  .Corporal . . . . .Narragansett Ave., Newport, R.I.
Maxwell Norman . . . . .Corporal . . . . .Newport, R. I.
Edwin Coakley  . . . . .Corporal . . . . .Prescott, Ariz.
George Kerr, Jr.  . .  .Corporal . . . . .East Downington, Pa.
Henry S. Van Schaick . .Corporal . . . . .100 Broadway, New York City.
Frederick Herrig . . . .Corporal . . . . .Pleasant Valley, Kalispel, Flat
                                             Head Co., Mont.
Oscar Land . . . . . . .Trumpeter . . .  .720 S. 8th St., Denver, Col.
George W. Knoblauch .  .Trumpeter . . .  .205 W. 57th St., New York City.
Benjamin A. Long  . .  .Saddler . . . .  .New York City.
     Wounded at El Poso, July 1st; left thigh.
Thomas G. Bradley . .  .Farrier . . . .  .Potomac, Montgomery Co., Md.
George T. Crucius . .  .Blacksmith . . . .50 Amanda St., Montgomery, Ala.
Lee Burdwell . . . . . .Wagoner . . . .  .Langtry, Tex.
Troopers. 

Armstrong, James T.                  Easton, Stephen, Santa Fe, N. M.
Adams, John H., Selma, Ala.          Eberman, Edwin.
 Wounded, July 1st.                  Emerson, Edwin, Collier's Weekly,
Bell, Sherman, Colorado Springs,      New York City.
 Col.                                Flemming, Clarence A.
Bernard, William C., Las Vegas,      Fletcher, Henry, Green Point,
 N. M.                                 Cumberland Co., Pa.
Batchelder, Wallace N., Chester, Pa. Folk, Theodore, Oklahoma City,
Bump, Arthur L., New London, O.       O. T.
 Slightly wounded, July 1st.        Freeman, Elisha L., Burden, Kan.
Cameron, Charles H., McDonald,      Holden, Prince A., Grayson Co.,
 Pa.                                  Tex.
Campbell, Douglass.                 Hulme, Robert A., El Reno, O. T.
Cash, Walter S., Colorado Springs,  James, William F., San Antonio,
 Col.                                 Tex.
 Wounded, July 1st; arm, slight;    Jordan, Andrew M., Rossa, Tex.
 Mauser rifle.                      Kania, Fran , Jamestown, N. D.
Cooke, Henry B.                     Langdon, Jesse D., Fargo, N. D.
Carroll, John F., Hillsboro, Tex.   Marshall, Creighton, 1807 G St.,
Cartmell, Nathaniel M., Lexington,   N. W., Washington, D. C.
 Va.                                Maverick, Lewis, San Antonio, Tex.
Clagett, Jesse C., Moters Station,  McGinty, William, Stillwater, O. T.
 Frederick Co., Md.
Corbe, Max C., El Paso, Tex.        McKoy, William J., Oshkosh, Wis.
Coville, Allen M., Topeka, Kan.     Mitchell, Mason, Lambs' Club, New
Crowninshield, Francis B.,           York City.
 Marblehead, Mass.                   Wounded at El Poso, July 1st;
Channing, Roscoe A., 34 Park Place,  left arm, slight; shrapnel.
 New York City.                     Mitchell, William H., Salem, Mass.
Daniels, Benjamin F., Colorado      Montgomery, Lawrence N., Hempstead,
 Springs, Col.                       Tex.
Davis, John, care W. S. Dickinson,  Nicholson, Charles P., 1617 John
 Tarpon Springs, Fla.                St., Baltimore, Md.
Norris, Edmund S., Guthrie, O. T.   Test, Clarence L., Austin, Tex.
                                     Transferred from 3d Penn. Inf.
Poey, Alfred.                        and reported for duty with troop
Pollak, Albin J.                     at Montauk Point, Aug. 25th.
Quaid, William, Newberg, N. Y.      Toy, J. Frederick, 602 S. 42d St.,
Robinson, Kenneth D., 55 Liberty     Philadelphia, Pa.
 St., New York City.                 Transferred from 3d Penn. Inf.
 Wounded on July 1st; right side,    and reported for duty with troops
 severe; Mauser rifle.               at Montauk Point, Aug. 25th.
Reed, Colton, San Antonio, Tex.     Tudor, William, 37 Brimer St.,
Smith, Frederick, Guthrie, O. T.     Boston, Mass.
Smith, George L., Frankfort, Mich.  Venable, Warner M., Stephenville,
Smith, Joseph S., 1322 Brown St.,    Tex.
 Philadelphia, Pa.                  Wiberg, Axel E.
Smith, Clarke T., 2008 Wallace St., Weitzel, John F., care Windsor
 Philadelphia, Pa.                   Hotel, Newkirk, O. T.
Stockton, Richard, 218 W. Jersey    Wilson, Frank M., Guthrie, O. T.
 St., Elizabeth, N. J.              Woodward, John A., Taylor, Tex.
Stephens, Oregon, Purdy, I. T.      Wright, Grant, Cold Springs, N. Y.
Thorp, Henry, Southampton, L. I.    Young, James E., 628 W. 37th St.,
                                     Los Angeles, Cal.
Discharged. 

Maloon, Winthrop L.  . . . .Private . .  .
     Discharged per S. O. No. 141, A. G. O.  Dated June 6th.
McMasters, Frederick D.  . .Private . .  .
     Discharged per S. O. No. 178, A. G. O.  Dated July 30th, Washington, D.C.
Ferguson, Robert M.  . . . .Sergeant . . .55 Liberty St., New York City.
     Discharged, Aug. 10th, 1898.
Worden, John L.  . . . . . .Private . .  .27 W. 43d St., New York City.
     Discharged by way of favor per telegraphic order from Assistant
     Secretary of War.
     Dated Aug. 15th, Washington, D. C.
Cosby, Arthur F.  . . . .  .Private . .  .
     Discharged per S. O. No. 103, A. G. O. Aug. 17th, Washington, D. C., to
     enable the soldier to accept a commission.  Wounded, July 1st; right
     hand.
Babcock, Campbell E.  . .  .Private . .  .The Plaza, Chicago, Ill.
     Discharged, Sept. 5th, to accept commission.
Lee, Joseph J.  . . . . .  .Private . .  .Knoxville, Md.
     Discharged per S. O. No. 205, A. G. O. Washington, D. C. Aug. 31st.
Transferred. 

Duran, Joseph L.  . . . .  .Private . . . .Santa Fe, N. M.
     Transferred to Troop H, this regiment, July 15th.
Brandon, Perry H.  . . . . .Private . . . .Douglass, Kan.
     Transferred to Troop D, this regiment, July 29th.
David M. Goodrich . . . .  .1st Lieutenant. Akron, O.
     Transferred from Troop D, this regiment, Aug. 11th.  Transferred to
     Troop D, this regiment, Sept. 5th.
Died. 

Haywood, Henry . . . . . . .Sergeant . .  .Police Department, New York City
     Abdomen; Mauser rifle; killed, July 2d.  Wounded, July 1st; died in
     Division Hospital, Cuba, July 2, 1898, from bullet wound received July
     1st.
Ives, Gerard M.  . . . . . .Private . . . .New York
     Died at his home, 338 W. 71st St., New York City (date not known), from
     typhoid fever.
Tiffany, William . . . . . .Lieutenant .  .New York City.
     Died of fever.
Deserted. 

Staley, Frank . . . . . .  .Private . . . .
     Deserted from troop at San Antonio, Tex., May 1st.
Curzon . . . . . . . . . . .Private . . . .
     Deserted from detachment at Tampa, Fla., June 13th.
Promoted. 

Jenkins, Micah J.  . . . .  .Major . . .  .Youngs Island, S. C.
     Promoted to Major, Aug. 11, 1898.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Appendix A: Muster-Out Roll
    
Part V

Troop L: Captain Richard C. Day 

Richard C. Day . . . . . . . .Captain . . .Vinita, I. T.
     Shot through left shoulder on line of duty at San Juan.  Left shoulder
     and arm, severe; Mauser rifle.
John R. Thomas . . . . . . . .1st Lieutenant .  .Muscogee, I. T.
     G. S. wound in right lower leg at Las Guasimas, June 24th.  G. S. right
     leg.
Frank P. Hayes . . . . . . . .2d Lieutenant . . .San Antonio, Tex.
Elhanan W. Bucklin . . . . . .1st Sergeant . .  .Jamestown, N. Y.
Jerome W. Henderlider . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Saranac, Mich.
William M. Simms . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Vinita, I. T.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1, 1898, in line of duty.  Leg; Mauser rifle.
Joe A. Kline . . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Vinita, I. T.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1st, in line of duty.  Leg; Mauser rifle.
William W. Carpenter . . . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Vinita, I. T.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1st, in line of duty.  Left thigh; Mauser
     rifle.
James McKay . . . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Vinita, I. T.
Dillwyn M. Bell . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .Guthrie, O. T.
     Hurt in back by fragment of shell at El Paso, July 1st.  Contusion back,
     slight; shrapnel.
James E. McGuire . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Chelsea, I. T.
George H. Seaver . . . . . . .Corporal . . . .  .Muscogee, I. T.
     Wounded at El Poso, July 2, 1898, in line of duty.  Right foot, slight;
     Mauser rifle.
John W. Davis . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Vinita, I. T.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1, 1898.  Right leg and arm; Mauser rifle.
Samuel G. Davis . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Sardis, Ark.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1, 1898.
Bud Parnell . . . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Muscogee, I. T.
Joseph J. Roger . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Tillou, Ark.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1, 1898.  Abdomen and arm; Mauser rifle.
George B. Dunnigan . . . . . .Corporal . . . .  .Vinita, I. T.
Maynard R. Williams . . . .  .Corporal . . . .  .Fairland, I. T.
Elliot C. Cowdin . . . . . . .Corporal . . . .  .New York City.
Mike Kinney . . . . . . . .  .Blacksmith . . .  .Imlay, Mich.
John R. Kean . . . . . . . . .Farrier . . . . . .Maxwell, Ont.
     Wounded at Las Guasimas, June 24th.  G. S. left shoulder and lungs.
Nicholas H. Cochran . . . .  .Wagoner . . . . . .Vinita, I. T.
Guy M. Babcock . . . . . . . .Saddler . . . . . .Cherryville, Kan.
Thomas F. Meagher . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . .Muscogee, I. T.
     Wounded at Las Guasimas, June 24th.  G. S. left forearm.
Frank R. McDonald . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . . .Oolagah, I. T.
     Wounded at San Juan, July 1, 1898.  Head; Mauser rifle.
Troopers. 

Adair, John M., Claremore, I. T.   Lewis, Frank A., Newark, N. J.
Benson, Victor H.                  Little, Rollie L., West Fork, Ark.
Carey, Oren E . Clonau, Ia.        McDonald, Asa W., Bearing Cross,
Chilcoot, Frederick, Howels, Neb.   Ark.
Cook, James, Cherokee City, Ark.   McCamish, Andrew L., Bethel, Kan.
Cruse, James, St. Joe, Ark.        Miller, John S., Garrison, Neb.
Culver, Ed., Muscogee, I. T.       Miller, Boot, Chelsea, I. T.
 Wounded at Las Guasimas, June     Moore, John J., Vinita, I. T.
 24th.  G. S. breast.              Oskison, Richard L., Vinita, I. T.
Davis, James C., Waggone, I. T.     Wounded at San Juan, July 1st.
Damet, John P., Alexander, S. D.    Left leg; Mauser rifle.
 Wounded at Las Guasimas, June     Owens, Edward L., Vinita, I. T.
 24th.  G. S. left shoulder.       Parker, Ora E., Dickins, Ia.
Dennis, David C., Nelson, Mo.       Wounded near Santiago de Cuba,
Dobson, William H., Muscogee,       July 1, 2, or 3, 1898.  Right
 I. T.                              thigh, severe; shrapnel.
Ennis, Richard L., Cornell, Ill.   Pulley, William O., Marion, Ill.
Evans, James R., Baldwin, Ark.     Philpot, Leigh T., Bryson, Ky.
Gilmore, Maurice E., Muscogee, I.  Poe, Nathaniel M., Adair, I. T.
 T.                                 Wounded at Las Guasimas, June
Haley, Robert M., Wagoner, I. T.    24th.  G. S. foot.
Hawkins, Charles D., Vinita, I. T. Price, Benjamin W., Eufaula, I. T.
Heagert, Rudolph, Vinita, I. T.    Rich, Allen K., Fort Gibson, I. T.
Holderman, Bert. T., Artopa, Kan.  Robertson, George W., Muscogee,
Hughes, Frank, Vinita, I. T.        I. T.
Hughes, William E., Vinita, I. T.  Robinson, Frank P., Borbora, Kan.
Isbell, Thomas J., Vinita, I. T.   Russell, Daniel, Goodland, I. T.
 Wounded at Las Guasimas, June     Scobey, Arthur E., Willis Point,
 25th.  G. S. neck, hip, and thumb. Tex.
Jones, Levi, Vinita, I. T.          Wounded at San Juan Hill, June 1,
Johns, William S., Hemasville, Mo.  1898.  Right hand; Mauser rifle.
Kinkade, Elyah S., Muscogee, I. T. Sharp, Walter L., Chicago, Ill.
Knox, Robert G., Clinton, La.      Skelton, James W., Trinity Mills,
Lawrence, Richard, La Porte, Ind.   Tex.
Lane, Edward K., Chetopa, Kan.     Smith, Bert., Vinita, I. T.
Lane, Sanford J., Saupulpa, I. T.  Smith, Sylvester S., Vinita, I. T.
Lentz, Edward, Bowling Green, O.   Stefens, Luke B., Rio Vista, I. T.
Stidham, Theodore E., Eufaula,     Whitney, Schuyler C., Pryor Creek, I. T.
 I. T.                              Wounded at Las Guasimas, June 24th.
Swearinger, George, Maysville, Mo.  G. S. neck.
Taylor, Warren P., Hillsboro,      Wilkins, George W., Vinita, I. T.
 Tex.                              Wilson, James E., Madrid, Mo.
Thompson, Sylvester V.             Winn, Arthur N., Muscogee, I. T.
 Wounded at San Juan, July 1,
 1898. Left leg and arm; Mauser
 rifle.
Wetmore, Robert C., Montclair, N. J.
Discharged. 

Hutchinson, Charles A.  . . . .Private . . . . . .
Price, Walter W.  . . . . . . .Private . . . . . .
Hayes, Frank P.  . . . . . .  .1st Sergeant . .  .
     Discharged, June 24, 1898, to enable him to accept commission as 2d
     Lieut. in 1st U. S. Vol. Cav.
Transferred. 

Robert, William J.  . . . . . .Private . . . . . .
     Transferred to Troop M, June 7, 1898, by order Col. Wood.
Byrne, John . . . . . . . . . .Sergeant . . . .  .Vinita, I. T.
     Transferred to Troop F, July 10, 1898, by order Col. Wood.
Died. 

Capron, Allyn K.  . . . . . . .Captain . . . . . .Fort Sill, Okla.
     Killed at battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.  G. S. lungs.
Fish, Hamilton . . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . .  .New York City.
     Killed at battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.  G. S. heart.
Dawson, Tilden W.  . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .Vinita, I. T.
     Killed at battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.  G. S. head.
Santo, William T.  . . . . .  .Private . . . . . .Chouteau, I. T.
     Killed at battle of San Juan, July 1, 1898.  Mauser rifle.
Hendricks, Milo A.  . . . . . .Private . . . . . .Muscogee, I. T.
     Mortally wounded at battle of San Juan, July 1st; died in hospital,
     July 6, 1898.  Mauser rifle.
Enyart, Silas R.  . . . . . . .Private . . . . . .Sapulpa, I. T.
     Mortally wounded at San Juan, July 1st; died in hospital, July 6, 1898.
Troop M: Captain Robert H. Bruce 

Robert H. Bruce . . . . . . .Captain . . . . .  .Mineola, Tex.
Ode C. Nichols . . . . . .  .1st Lieutenant . . .Durant, I. T.
Albert S. Johnson . . . . . .2d Lieutenant . .  .Oklahoma City, O. T.
Harry E. Berner . . . . . . .1st Sergeant . . . .Durant, I. T.
Joseph L. Smith . . . . . . .Q. M. Sergeant . . .Caddo, I. T.
William E. Lloyd . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Durant, I. T.
Frederick E. Nichols . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Purcell, I. T.
Morency A. Hawkins . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Tioga, Tex.
Wilbert L. Poole . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Durant, I. T.
Otis B. Weaver . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Mt. Vernon, Tex.
Henry C. Foley . . . . . .  .Sergeant . . . . . .Muscogee, I. T.
Samuel Downing . . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .Atoka, I. T.
Charles S. Lynch . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .Caddo, I. T.
John N. Jackson . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .Caddo, I. T.
Frank U. Talman . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .So. McAlester, I. T.
Hiram S. Creech . . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .Durant, I. T.
Charles J. Fandru . . . . . .Corporal . . . . . .Caddo, I. T.
Theodore E. Schulz . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .Tampa, Fla.
William G. Jones . . . . .  .Corporal . . . . . .Ardmore, I. T.
Frank Marion . . . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . .  .Muscogee, I. T.
Charles J. Hokey . . . . .  .Trumpeter . . . .  .Krebs, I. T.
John McMullen . . . . . . . .Wagoner . . . . .  .Ardmore, I. T.
John Hall . . . . . . . . . .Farrier . . . . .  .Durant, I. T.
Cragg Parsons . . . . . . . .Blacksmith . . . . .Ardmore, I. T.
Luther M. Kiethly . . . . . .Saddler . . . . .  .Hartshorn, I. T.
Samuel Young . . . . . . .  .Chief Cook . . . . .Caddo, I. T.
Troopers. 

Allaun, Jacob, Sapulpa, I. T.       Dorell, Charles, Vinita, I. T.
Byrd, Samuel J. W., Muscogee, I.T.  Duping, Joseph, Muscogee, I. T.
                                    Flying, Crawford D., Muscogee, I. T.
Boydstun, John F., Caddo, I. T
Barlow, John W., Caddo, I. T.       Fairman, Charles E., Ardmore, I. T.
Barrington, John P., Ardmore, I. T. Griffith, Ezra E., Sapulpa, I. T.
Baird, Thompson M., Thurber, Tex.   Garland, George W., Ardmore, I. T.
Brierty, Thomas, Tampa, Fla.
Butler, Peter L., Kiowa, I. T.      Hall, James T., Wagoner, I. T.
Beal, Andy R., Durant, I. T.        Hawes, Frederick W., Dennison,
Bruce, Peter R., Wagoner, I. T.      Tex.
Brown, Leon, Ardmore, I. T.         Houchin, Willis C., Durant, I. T.
Barney, Leland, Ardmore, I. T.      Hamilton, Troy, Hartshorne, I. T.
Burks, Jesse S., Ardmore, I. T.     Howell, William, Muscogee, I. T.
Case, George, Durant, I. T.         Harris, Chester, Muscogee, I. T.
Calhoun, Wesley, Durant, I. T.      Hoffman, George B., Somerville, N. J.
Carter, Arthur E., Ardmore, I. T.
Carden, Horace W., Ardmore, I. T.   Johnson, Bankston, Caddo, I. T.
Cox, Walter, Durant, I. T.          Johnson, Charles L., Ardmore, I. T.
Cooper, Bud G., Muscogee, I. T.     Johnson, Gordon, Birmingham, Ala.

Jones, Charles L., McAlester, I. T. Reynolds, Benjamin F., Ardmore, I. T.
Keithly, Ora E., Hartshorn, I. T.   Ross, William E., Ardmore, I. T.
Kings, John, McAlester, I. T.       Roberts, William J., Vinita, I. T.
Kearns, Edward L., Tampa, Fla.      Sloane, Samuel P., So. McAlester, I. T.
Mitchell, William, Wagoner, I. T.   Sykes, Marion, Muscogee, I. T.
Madden, Charles E., Brooken, I. T.  Stewart, Henry J., Caddo, I. T.
Murphy, William S., Caddo, I. T.    Thomas, Jesse C., Caddo, I. T.
McPherren, Charles E., Caddo, I. T. Tyler, Edwin, Ardmore, I. T.
Maytubby, Bud, Caddo, I. T.         Vickers, John W., So. McAlester, I. T.
McDaniel, Thomas E., Muscogee, I. T. Williams, Benjamin H., So. McAlester,
                                      I. T.
McPherson, Charles E., Caddo, I. T.  Williams, George W., Ardmore, I. T.
Morrell, Robert W., Elizabeth, N. J. Wolfe, John W., Ardmore, I. T.
Owens, John M., Oologah, I. T.       Webster, David, Durant, I. T.
Pipkins, Virgil A., Brooken, I. T.   Wagner, John D., Caddo, I. T.
Rouse, John L., Durant, I. T.        Woog, Benjamin B., Washington, D. C.
Rose, Lewis W., Los Angeles, Cal.    de Zychlinski, William T., Bismarck,
                                      N. D.
Russell, Walter L., Caddo, I. T.
Rynerson, Benjamin A., Durant, I. T.
Transferred. 

Lane, Sanford G.  . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . .Sapulpa, I. T.
     Transferred to Troop L 1st U. S. V. C., June 8, 1898, per verbal order
     Reg. Com.
Died Of Disease. 

Kyle, Yancy . . . . . . . . . .Trooper . . . . .McAlester, I. T.
     Died of typhoid fever at Tampa, July 15, 1898.  Final statements
     rendered and settled per Capt. Bruce.
	As said above, this is not a complete list of the wounded, or even of the dead, 
among the troopers.  Moreover, a number of officers and men died from fever soon after 
the regiment was mustered out.  Twenty-eight field and line officers landed in Cuba on 
June 22d; ten of them were killed or wounded during the nine days following.  Of the five 
regiments of regular cavalry in the division, one, the Tenth, lost eleven officers; none of 
the others lost more than six.  The loss of the Rough Riders in enlisted men was heavier 
than that of any other regiment in the cavalry division.  Of the nine infantry regiments in 
Kent's division, one, the Sixth, lost eleven officers; none of the others as many as we 
did.  None of the nine suffered as heavy a loss in enlisted men, as they were not 
engaged at Las Guasimas.

	No other regiment in the Spanish-American War suffered as heavy a loss as the 
First United States Volunteer Cavalry.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
      
Appendix B

	[Before it was sent, this letter was read to and approved by every officer of the 
regiment who had served through the Santiago campaign.]

	[Copy.]

	Camp Wikoff, September 10, 1898.

	To The Secretary Of War.

	Sir: In answer to the circular issued by command of Major-General Shafter under 
date of September 8, 1898, containing a request for information by the Adjutant-
General of September 7th, I have the honor to report as follows:

	I am a little in doubt whether the fact that on certain occasions my regiment 
suffered for food, etc., should be put down to an actual shortage of supplies or to 
general defects in the system of administration.  Thus, when the regiment arrived in 
Tampa after a four days' journey by cars from its camp at San Antonio, it received no 
food whatever for twenty-four hours, and as the travel rations had been completely 
exhausted, food for several of the troops was purchased by their officers, who, of 
course, have not been reimbursed by the Government.  In the same way we were 
short one or two meals at the time of embarking at Port Tampa on the transport; but 
this I think was due, not to a failure in the quantity of supplies, but to the lack of system 
in embarkation.

	As with the other regiments, no information was given in advance what transports 
we should take, or how we should proceed to get aboard, nor did anyone exercise any 
supervision over the embarkation.  Each regimental commander, so far as I know, was 
left to find out as best he could, after he was down at the dock, what transport had not 
been taken, and then to get his regiment aboard it, if he was able, before some other 
regiment got it. Our regiment was told to go to a certain switch, and take a train for 
Port Tampa at twelve o'clock, midnight.  The train never came.  After three hours of 
waiting we were sent to another switch, and finally at six o'clock in the morning got 
possession of some coal-cars and came down in them. When we reached the quay 
where the embarkation was proceeding, everything was in utter confusion.  The quay 
was piled with stores and swarming with thousands of men of different regiments, 
besides onlookers, etc.  The commanding General, when we at last found him, told 
Colonel Wood and myself that he did not know what ship we were to embark on, and 
that we must find Colonel Humphrey, the Quartermaster-General.  Colonel Humphrey 
was not in his office, and nobody knew where he was.  The commanders of the 
different regiments were busy trying to find him, while their troops waited in the trains, 
so as to discover the ships to which they were allotted - some of these ships being at 
the dock and some in mid-stream.  After a couple of hours' search, Colonel Wood 
found Colonel Humphrey and was allotted a ship. Immediately afterward I found that it 
had already been allotted to two other regiments.  It was then coming to the dock.  
Colonel Wood boarded it in mid-stream to keep possession, while I double-quicked the 
men down from the cars and got there just ahead of the other two regiments.  One of 
these regiments, I was afterward informed, spent the next thirty-six hours in cars in 
consequence.  We suffered nothing beyond the loss of a couple of meals, which, it 
seems to me, can hardly be put down to any failure in the quantity of supplies 
furnished to the troops.

	We were two weeks on the troop-ship Yucatan, and as we were given twelve 
days' travel rations, we of course fell short toward the end of the trip, but eked things 
out with some of our field rations and troop stuff. The quality of the travel rations given 
to us was good, except in the important item of meat. The canned roast beef is worse 
than a failure as part of the rations, for in effect it amounts to reducing the rations by 
just so much, as a great majority of the men find it uneatable.  It was coarse, stringy, 
tasteless, and very disagreeable in appearance, and so unpalatable that the effort to 
eat it made some of the men sick.  Most of the men preferred to be hungry rather than 
eat it.  If cooked in a stew with plenty of onions and potatoes - i.e., if only one 
ingredient in a dish with other more savory ingredients - it could be eaten, especially if 
well salted and peppered; but, as usual (what I regard as a great mistake), no salt was 
issued with the travel rations, and of course no potatoes and onions.  There were no 
cooking facilities on the transport.  When the men obtained any, it was by bribing the 
cook.  Toward the last, when they began to draw on the field rations, they had to eat 
the bacon raw.  On the return trip the same difficulty in rations obtained - i.e., the 
rations were short because the men could not eat the canned roast beef, and had no 
salt. We purchased of the ship's supplies some flour and pork and a little rice for the 
men, so as to relieve the shortage as much as possible, and individual sick men were 
helped from private sources by officers, who themselves ate what they had purchased 
in Santiago.  As nine-tenths of the men were more or less sick, the unattractiveness of 
the travel rations was doubly unfortunate.  It would have been an excellent thing for 
their health if we could have been an excellent thing for their health if we could have 
had onions and potatoes, and means for cooking them.  Moreover, the water was very 
bad, and sometimes a cask was struck that was positively undrinkable. The lack of ice 
for the weak and sickly men was very much felt. Fortunately there was no epidemic, 
for there was not a place on the ship where patients could have been isolated.

	During the month following the landing of the army in Cuba the food-supplies 
were generally short in quantity, and in quality were never such as were best suited to 
men undergoing severe hardships and great exposure in an unhealthy tropical climate.  
The rations were, I understand, the same as those used in the Klondike.  In this 
connection, I call especial attention to the report of Captain Brown, made by my orders 
when I was Brigade-Commander, and herewith appended.  I also call attention to the 
report of my own Quartermaster.  Usually we received full rations of bacon and 
hardtack.  The hardtack, however, was often mouldy, so that parts of cases, and even 
whole cases, could not be used.  The bacon was usually good.  But bacon and 
hardtack make poor food for men toiling and fighting in trenches under the mid-
summer sun of the tropics.  The ration of coffee was often short, and that of sugar 
generally so; we rarely got any vegetables.  Under these circumstances the men lost 
strength steadily, and as the fever speedily attacked them, they suffered from being 
reduced to a bacon and hardtack diet.  So much did the shortage of proper food tell 
upon their health that again and again officers were compelled to draw upon their 
private purses, or upon the Red Cross Society, to make good the deficiency of the 
Government supply.  Again and again we sent down improvised pack-trains composed 
of officers' horses, of captured Spanish cavalry ponies, or of mules which had been 
shot or abandoned but were cured by our men.  These expeditions - sometimes under 
the Chaplain, sometimes under the Quartermaster, sometimes under myself, and 
occasionally under a trooper - would go to the sea-coast or to the Red Cross head-
quarters, or, after the surrender, into the city of Santiago, to get food both for the well 
and the sick.  The Red Cross Society rendered invaluable aid.  For example, on one of 
these expeditions I personally brought up 600 pounds of beans; on another occasion I 
personally brought up 500 pounds of rice, 800 pounds of cornmeal, 200 pounds of 
sugar, 100 pounds of tea, 100 pounds of oatmeal, 5 barrels of potatoes, and two of 
onions, with cases of canned soup and condensed milk for the sick in hospitals.  Every 
scrap of the food thus brought up was eaten with avidity by the soldiers, and put new 
heart and strength into them.  It was only our constant care of the men in this way that 
enabled us to keep them in any trim at all.  As for the sick in the hospital, unless we 
were able from outside sources to get them such simple delicacies as rice and 
condensed milk, they usually had the alternative of eating salt pork and hardtack or 
going without.  After each fight we got a good deal of food from the Spanish camps in 
the way of beans, peas, and rice, together with green coffee, all of which the men used 
and relished greatly.  In some respects the Spanish rations were preferable to ours, 
notably in the use of rice.  After we had been ashore a month the supplies began to 
come in in abundance, and we then fared very well. Up to that time the men were 
under-fed, during the very weeks when the heaviest drain was being made upon their 
vitality, and the deficiency was only partially supplied through the aid of the Red Cross, 
and out of the officers' pockets and the pockets of various New York friends who sent 
us money. Before, during, and immediately after the fights of June 24th and July 1st, 
we were very short of even the bacon and hardtack.  About July 14th, when the heavy 
rains interrupted communication, we were threatened with famine, as we were 
informed that there was not a day's supply of provisions in advance nearer than the 
sea-coast; and another twenty-four hours' rain would have resulted in a complete 
break-down of communications, so that for several days we should have been reduced 
to a diet of mule-meat and mangos.  At this time, in anticipation of such a contingency, 
by foraging and hoarding we got a little ahead, so that when our supplies were cut 
down for a day or two we did not suffer much, and were even able to furnish a little aid 
to the less fortunate First Illinois Regiment, which was camped next to us.  Members of 
the Illinois Regiment were offering our men $1 apiece for hardtacks.

   See--Roosevelt Visits Regiment: Colonel Roosevelt visiting Colonel Turner, of 
the First Illinois Regiment, U.S.V.


	I wish to bear testimony to the energy and capacity of Colonel Weston, the 
Commissary-General with the expedition.  If it had not been for his active aid, we 
should have fared worse than we did.  All that he could do for us, he most cheerfully 
did.

	As regards the clothing, I have to say: As to the first issue, the blue shirts were 
excellent of their kind, but altogether too hot for Cuba. They are just what I used to 
wear in Montana.  The leggings were good; the shoes were very good; the undershirts 
not very good, and the drawers bad - being of heavy, thick canton flannel, difficult to 
wash, and entirely unfit for a tropical climate.  The trousers were poor, wearing badly.  
We did not get any other clothing until we were just about to leave Cuba, by which time 
most of the men were in tatters; some being actually barefooted, while others were in 
rags, or dressed partly in clothes captured from the Spaniards, who were much more 
suitably clothed for the climate and place than we were.  The ponchos were poor, 
being inferior to the Spanish rain-coats which we captured.

	As to the medical matters, I invite your attention, not only to the report of Dr. 
Church accompanying this letter, but to the letters of Captain Llewellen, Captain Day, 
and Lieutenant McIlhenny.  I could readily produce a hundred letters on the lines of the 
last three.  In actual medical supplies, we had plenty of quinine and cathartics.  We 
were apt to be short on other medicines, and we had nothing whatever in the way of 
proper nourishing food for our sick and wounded men during most of the time, except 
what we were able to get from the Red Cross or purchase with our own money.  We 
had no hospital tent at all until I was able to get a couple of tarpaulins.  During much of 
the time my own fly was used for the purpose.  We had no cots until by individual effort 
we obtained a few, only three or four days before we left Cuba.  During most of the 
time the sick men lay on the muddy ground in blankets, if they had any; if not, they lay 
without them until some of the well men cut their own blankets in half. Our regimental 
surgeon very soon left us, and Dr. Church, who was repeatedly taken down with the 
fever, was left alone - save as he was helped by men detailed from among the 
troopers.  Both he and the men thus detailed, together with the regular hospital 
attendants, did work of incalculable service.  We had no ambulance with the regiment.  
On the battle-field our wounded were generally sent to the rear in mule-wagons, or on 
litters which were improvised.  At other times we would hire the little springless Cuban 
carts.  But of course the wounded suffered greatly in such conveyances, and 
moreover, often we could not get a wheeled vehicle of any kind to transport even the 
most serious cases.  On the day of the big fight, July 1st, as far as we could find out, 
there were but two ambulances with the rmy in condition to work - neither of which did 
we ever see. Later there were, as we were informed, thirteen all told; and occasionally 
after the surrender, by vigorous representations and requests, we would get one 
assigned to take some peculiarly bad cases to the hospital. Ordinarily, however, we 
had to do with one of the makeshifts enumerated above.  On several occasions I 
visited the big hospitals in the rear. Their condition was frightful beyond description 
from lack of supplies, lack of medicine, lack of doctors, nurses, and attendants, and 
especially from lack of transportation.  The wounded and sick who were sent back 
suffered so much that, whenever possible, they returned to the front. Finally my 
brigade commander, General Wood, ordered, with my hearty acquiescence, that only 
in the direst need should any men be sent to the rear - no matter what our hospital 
accommodations at the front might be. The men themselves preferred to suffer almost 
anything lying alone in their little shelter-ttntst rather than go back to the hospitals in 
the rear.  I invite attention to the accompanying letter of Captain Llewellen in relation to 
the dreadful condition of the wounded on some of the transports taking them North.

	The greatest trouble we had was with the lack of transportation. Under the order 
issued by direction of General Miles through the Adjutant-General on or about May 
8th, a regiment serving as infantry in the field was entitled to twenty-five wagons.  We 
often had one, often none, sometimes two, and never as many as three.  We had a 
regimental pack-train, but it was left behind at Tampa.  During most of the time our 
means of transportation were chiefly the improvised pack-trains spoken of above; but 
as the mules got well they were taken away from us, and so were the captured 
Spanish cavalry horses.  Whenever we shifted camp, we had to leave most of our 
things behind, so that the night before each fight was marked by our sleeping without 
tentage and with very little food, so far as officers were concerned, as everything had 
to be sacrificed to getting up what ammunition and medical supplies we had.  Colonel 
Wood seized some mules, and in this manner got up the medical supplies before the 
fight of June 24th, when for three days the officers had nothing but what they wore. 
There was a repetition of this, only in worse form, before and after the fight of July 1st.  
Of course much of this was simply a natural incident of war, but a great deal could 
readily have been avoided if we had had enough transportation; and I was sorry not to 
let my men be as comfortable as possible and rest as much as possible just before 
going into a fight when, as on July 1st and 2d, they might have to be forty-eight hours 
with the minimum quantity of food and sleep.  The fever began to make heavy ravages 
among our men just before the surrender, and from that time on it became a most 
serious matter to shift camp, with sick and ailing soldiers, hardly able to walk - not to 
speak of carrying heaty burdens - when we had no transportation.  Not more than half 
of the men could carry their rolls, and yet these, with the officers' baggage and 
provisions, the entire hospital and its appurtenances, etc., had to be transported 
somehow.  It was usually about three days after we reached a new camp before the 
necessaries which had been left behind could be brought up, and during these three 
days we had to get along as best we could.  The entire lack of transportation at first 
resulted in leaving most of the troop mess-kits on the beach, and we were never able 
to get them.  The men cooked in the few utensils they could themselves carry. This 
rendered it impossible to boil the drinking water. Closely allied to the lack of 
transportation was the lack of means to land supplies from the transports.

	In my opinion, the deficiency in transportation was the worst evil with which we 
had to contend, serious though some of the others were.  I have never served before, 
so have no means of comparing this with previous campaigns.  I was often told by 
officers who had seen service against the Indians that, relatively to the size of the 
army, and the character of the country, we had only a small fraction of the 
transportation always used in the Indian campaigns.  As far as my regiment was 
concerned, we certainly did not have one-third of the amount absolutely necessary, if it 
was to be kept in fair condition, and we had to partially make good the deficiency by 
the most energetic resort to all kinds of makeshifts and expedients.

     Yours respectfully,
     (Signed) Theodore Roosevelt,
     Colonel First United States Cavalry.
     Forwarded through military channels.
     (5 enclosures.)

     First Endorsement.
     Head-Quarters Fifth Army Corps.
     Camp Wikoff, September 18, 1898.

     Respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant-General of the Army.
     (Signed) William R. Shafter,
     Major-General Commanding.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
    
Appendix C

	[The following is the report of the Associated Press correspondent of the "round-
robin" incident.  It is literally true in every detail.  I was present when he was handed 
both letters; he was present while they were being written.]

	Santiago De Cuba, August 3d (delayed in transmission). - Summoned by Major-
General Shafter, a meeting was held here this morning at head-quarters, and in the 
presence of every commanding and medical officer of the Fifth Army Corps, General 
Shafter read a cable message from Secretary Alger, ordering him, on the 
recommendation of Surgeon-General Sternberg, to move the army into the interior, to 
San Luis, where it is healthier.

	As a result of the conference General Shafter will insist upon the immediate 
withdrawal of the army North.

	As an explanation of the situation the following letter from Colonel Theodore 
Roosevelt, commanding the First Cavalry, to General Shafter, was handed by the 
latter to the correspondent of The Associated Press for publication:

	Major-General Shafter.

	Sir: In a meeting of the general and medical officers called by you at the Palace 
this morning we were all, as you know, unanimous in our views of what should be 
done with the army.  To keep us here, in the opinion of every officer commanding a 
division or a brigade, will simply involve the destruction of thousands.  There is no 
possible reason for not shipping practically the entire command North at once.

	Yellow-fever cases are very few in the cavalry division, where I command one of 
the two brigades, and not one true case of yellow fever has occurred in this division, 
except among the men sent to the hospital at Siboney, where they have, I believe, 
contracted it.

	But in this division there have been 1,500 cases of malarial fever. Hardly a man 
has yet died from it, but the whole command is so weakened and shattered as to be 
ripe for dying like rotten sheep, when a real yellow-fever epidemic instead of a fake 
epidemic, like the present one, strikes us, as it is bound to do if we stay here at the 
height of the sickness season, August and the beginning of September.  Quarantine 
against malarial fever is much like quarantining against the toothache.

	All of us are certain that as soon as the authorities at Washington fully appreciate 
the condition of the army, we shall be sent home.  If we are kept here it will in all 
human possibility mean an appalling disaster, for the surgeons here estimate that over 
half the army, if kept here during the sickly season, will die.

	This is not only terrible from the stand-point of the individual lives lost, but it 
means ruin from the stand-point of military efficiency of the flower of the American 
army, for the great bulk of the regulars are here with you.  The sick list, large though it 
is, exceeding four thousand, affords but a faint index of the debilitation of the army.  
Not twenty per cent. are fit for active work.

	Six weeks on the North Maine coast, for instance, or elsewhere where the 
yellow-fever germ cannot possibly propagate, would make us all as fit as fighting-
cocks, as able as we are eager to take a leading part in the great campaign against 
Havana in the fall, even if we are not allowed to try Porto Rico.

	We can be moved North, if moved at once, with absolute safety to the country, 
although, of course, it would have been infinitely better if we had been moved North or 
to Porto Rico two weeks ago.  If there were any object in keeping us here, we would 
face yellow fever with as much indifference as we faced bullets.  But there is no object.

	The four immune regiments ordered here are sufficient to garrison the city and 
surrounding towns, and there is absolutely nothing for us to do here, and there has not 
been since the city surrendered.  It is impossible to move into the interior.  Every 
shifting of camp doubles the sick-rate in our present weakened condition, and, 
anyhow, the interior is rather worse than the coast, as I have found by actual 
reconnaissance.  Our present camps are as healthy as any camps at this end of the 
island can be.

	I write only because I cannot see our men, who have fought so bravely and who 
have endured extreme hardship and danger so uncomplainingly, go to destruction 
without striving so far as lies in me to avert a doom as fearful as it is unnecessary and 
undeserved.

     Yours respectfully,
     Theodore Roosevelt,
     Colonel Commanding Second Cavalry Brigade.

	After Colonel Roosevelt had taken the initiative, all the American general officers 
united in a "round robin" addressed to General Shafter. It reads:

	We, the undersigned officers commanding the various brigades, divisions, etc., of 
the Army of Occupation in Cuba, are of the unanimous opinion that this army should be 
at once taken out of the island of Cuba and sent to some point on the Northern sea-
coast of the United States; that can be done without danger to the people of the United 
States; that yellow fever in the army at present is not epidemic; that there are only a few 
sporadic cases; but that the army is disabled by malarial fever to the extent that its 
efficiency is destroyed, and that it is in a condition to be practically entirely destroyed by 
an epidemic of yellow fever, which is sure to come in the near future.

	We know from the reports of competent officers and from personal observations 
that the army is unable to move into the interior, and that there are no facilities for such a 
move if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until too late.  Moreover, the best 
medical authoritiesof the island say that with our present equipment we could not live in 
the interior during the rainy season without losses from malarial fever, which is almost as 
deadly as yellow fever.

	This army must be moved at once, or perish.  As the army can be safely moved 
now, the persons responsible for preventing such a move will be responsible for the 
unnecessary loss of many thousands of lives.

	Our opinions are the result of careful personal observation, and they are also 
based on the unanimous opinion of our medical officers with the army, who understand 
the situation absolutely.

     J. Ford Kent,
     Major-General Volunteers Commanding First Division, Fifth Corps.

     J. C. Bates,
     Major-General Volunteers Commanding Provisional Division.

     Adnah R. Chaffee,
     Major-General Commanding Third Brigade, Second Division.

     Samuel S. Summer,
     Brigadier-General Volunteers Commanding First Brigade, Cavalry.

     Will Ludlow,
     Brigadier-General Volunteers Commanding First Brigade, Second Division.

     Adelbert Ames,
     Brigadier-General Volunteers Commanding Third Brigade, First Division.

     Leonard Wood,
     Brigadier-General Volunteers Commanding the City of Santiago.

     Theodore Roosevelt,
     Colonel Commanding Second Cavalry Brigade.

	Major M. W. Wood, the chief Surgeon of the First Division, said: "The army must 
be moved North," adding, with emphasis, "or it will be unable to move itself."

	General Ames has sent the following cable message to Washington:

	Charles H. Allen, Assistant Secretary of the Navy:

	This army is incapable, because of sickness, of marching anywhere except to the 
transports.  If it is ever to return to the United States it must do so at once.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
      
Appendix D

Corrections 
	It has been suggested to me that when Bucky O'Neill spoke of the vultures 
tearing our dead, he was thinking of no modern poet, but of the words of the prophet 
Ezekiel: "Speak unto every feathered fowl . . . ye shall eat the flesh of the mighty and 
drink the blood of the princes of the earth."

   See--Opening at side of road through which left flank of Rough Riders was 
deployed.


	At San Juan the Sixth Cavalry was under Major Lebo, a tried and gallant officer.  
I learn from a letter of Lieutenant McNamee that it was he, and not Lieutenant 
Hartwick, by whose orders the troopers of the Ninth cast down the fence to enable me 
to ride my horse into the lane.  But one of the two lieutenants of B troop was overcome 
by the heat that day; Lieutenant Rynning was with his troop until dark.

	One night during the siege, when we were digging trenches, a curious stampede 
occurred (not in my own regiment) which it may be necessary some time to relate.

	Lieutenants W. E. Shipp and W. H. Smith were killed, not far from each other, 
while gallantly leading their troops on the slope of Kettle Hill. Each left a widow and 
young children.

	Captain (now Colonel) A. L. Mills, the Brigade Adjutant-General, has written me 
some comments on my account of the fight on July 1st.  It was he himself who first 
brought me word to advance.  I then met Colonel Dorst - who bore the same message 
- as I was getting the regiment forward.  Captain Mills was one of the officers I had 
sent back to get orders that would permit me to advance; he met General Sumner, 
who gave him the orders, and he then returned to me.  In a letter to me Colonel Mills 
says in part:

	I reached the head of the regiment as you came out of the lane and gave you the 
orders to enter the action.  These were that you were to move, with your right resting 
along the wire fence of the lane, to the support of the regular cavalry then attacking the 
hill we were facing.  "The red-roofed house yonder is your objective," I said to you.  
You moved out at once and quickly forged to the front of your regiment.  I rode in rear, 
keeping the soldiers and troops closed and in line as well as the circumstances and 
conditions permitted.  We had covered, I judge, from one-half to two-thirds the 
distance to Kettle Hill when Lieutenant-Colonel Garlington, from our left flank, called to 
me that troops were needed in the meadow across the lane.  I put one troop (not three, 
as stated in your account ^*) across the lane and went with it.  Advancing with the 
troop, I began immediately to pick up troopers of the Ninth Cavalry who had drifted 
from their commands, and soon had so many they demanded nearly all my attention.  
With a line thus made up, the colored troopers on the left and yours on the right, the 
portion of Kettle Hill on the right of the red-roofed house was first carried.  I very shortly 
thereafter had a strong firing-line established on the crest nearest the enemy, from the 
corner of the fence around the house to the low ground on the right of the hill, which 
fired into the strong line of conical straw hats, whose brims showed just above the 
edge of the Spanish trench directly west of that part of the hill. ^Dagger These hats 
made a fine target!  I had placed a young officer of your regiment in charge of the 
portion of the line on top of the hill, and was about to go to the left to keep the 
connection of the brigade - Captain McBlain, Ninth Cavalry, just then came up on the 
hill from the left and rear - when the shot struck that put me out of the fight.

	[Footnote *: The other two must have followed on their own initiative.]

	[Footnote Dagger: These were the Spaniards in the trenches we carried when we 
charged from Kettle Hill, after the infantry had taken the San Juan block-house.]

	There were many wholly erroneous accounts of the Guasimas fight published at 
the time, for the most part written by newspaper-men who were in the rear and utterly 
ignorant of what really occurred.  Most of these accounts possess a value so purely 
ephemeral as to need no notice.  Mr. Stephen Bonsal, however, in his book, "The Fight 
for Santiago," has cast one of them in a more permanent form; and I shall discuss one 
or two of his statements.

	Mr. Bonsal was not present at the fight, and, indeed, so far as I know, he never at 
any time was with the cavalry in action.  He puts in his book a map of the supposed 
skirmish ground; but it bears to the actual scene of the fight only the well-known 
likeness borne by Monmouth to Macedon.  There was a brook on the battle-ground, 
and there is a brook in Mr. Bonsal's map.  The real brook, flowing down from the 
mountains, crossed the valley road and ran down between it and the hill-trail, going 
nowhere near the latter.  The Bonsal brook flows at right angles to the course of the 
real brook and crosses both trails - that is, it runs up hill.  It is difficult to believe that the 
Bonsal map could have been made by any man who had gone over the hill-trail 
followed by the Rough Riders and who knew where the fighting had taken place.  The 
position of the Spanish line on the Bonsal map is inverted compared to what it really 
was.

	On page 90 Mr. Bonsal says that in making the "precipitate advance" there was a 
rivalry between the regulars and Rough Riders, which resulted in each hurrying 
recklessly forward to strike the Spaniards first.  On the contrary The official reports 
show that General Young's column waited for some time after it got to the Spanish 
position, so as to allow the Rough Riders (who had the more difficult trail) to come up.  
Colonel Wood kept his column walking at a smart pace, merely so that the regulars 
might not be left unsupported when the fight began; and as a matter of fact, it began 
almost simultaneously on both wings.

	On page 91 Mr. Bonsal speaks of "The foolhardy formation of a solid column 
along a narrow trail, which brought them (the Rough Riders) . . . within point-blank 
range of the Spanish rifles and within the unobstructed sweep of their machine-guns." 
He also speaks as if the advance should have been made with the regiment deployed 
through the jungle.  Of course, the only possible way by which the Rough Riders could 
have been brought into action in time to support the regulars was by advancing in 
column along the trail at a good smart gait.  As soon as our advance-guard came into 
contact with the enemy's outpost we deployed.  No firing began for at least five 
minutes after Captain Capron sent back word that he had come upon the Spanish 
outpost.  At the particular point where this occurred there was a dip in the road, which 
probably rendered it, in Capron's opinion, better to keep part of his men in it.  In any 
event, Captain Capron, who was as skilful as he was gallant, had ample time between 
discovering the Spanish outpost and the outbreak of the firing to arrange his troop in 
the formation he deemed best.  His troop was not in solid formation; his men were 
about ten yards apart.  Of course, to have walked forward deployed through the jungle, 
prior to reaching the ground where we were to fight, would have been a course of 
procedure so foolish as to warrant the summary court-martial of any man directing it.  
We could not have made half a mile an hour in such a formation, and would have been 
at least four hours too late for the fighting.

	On page 92 Mr. Bonsal says that Captain Capron's troop was ambushed, and 
that it received the enemy's fire a quarter of an hour before it was expected. This is 
simply not so.  Before the column stopped we had passed a dead Cuban, killed in the 
preceding day's skirmish, and Generave no sign of being shaken in any part; while 
some, putting levers under it, were endeavoring to throw it down, and others, having 
bound cords to all its limbs, were trying to pull it towards them.  On a sudden all the 
Agrigentines collect together at the place; stones are thrown in numbers; the nocturnal 
soldiers of that illustrious commander run away - but they take with them two very 
small statues, in order not to return to that robber of all holy things entirely empty-
handed.  The Sicilians are never in such distress as not to be able to say something 
facetious and neat; as they did on this occasion.  And so they said that this enormous 
boar had a right to be accounted one of the labors of Hercules, no less than the other 
boar of Erymanthus.

	XLIV.  The people of Assorum, gallant and loyal men, afterwards imitated this 
brave conduct of the Agrigentines, though they did not come of so powerful or so 
distinguished a city.  There is a river called Chrysas, which flows through the territories 
of Assorum.  Chrysas, among that people, is considered a god, and is worshipped with 
the greatest reverence.  His temple is in the fields, near the road which goes from 
Assorum to Enna.  In it there is an image of Chrysas, exquisitely made of marble.  He 
did not dare to beg that of the Assorians on account of the extraordinary sanctity of 
that temple; so he entrusts the business to Tlepolemus and Hiero.  They, having 
prepared and armed a body of men, come by night; they break in the doors of the 
temple; the keepers of the temple and the guardians hear them in time.  A trumpet, the 
signal of alarm well known to all the neighborhood, is sounded; men come in from the 
country, Tlepolemus is tourned out and put to flight; nor was anything missed out of 
the temple of Chrysas except one very diminutive image of brass.  There is a temple of 
the mighty mother Cybele at Enguinum, for I must now not only mention each instance 
with the greatest brevity, but I must even pass over a great many, in order to come to 
the greater and more remarkable thefts and atrocities of this sort which this man has 
committed. In this temple that same Publius Scipio, a man excelling in every possible 
good quality, had placed breastplates and helmets of brass of Corinthian 
workmanship, and some huge ewers of a similar description, and wrought with the 
same exquisite skill, and had inscribed his own name upon them. Why should I make 
any more statements or utter any further complaints about that man's conduct?  He 
took away, O judges, every one of those things.  He left nothing in that most holy 
temple except the traces of the religion he had trampled on, and the name of Publius 
Scipio.  The spoils won from the enemy, the memorials of our commanders, the 
ornaments and decorations of our temples, will hereafter, when these illustrious names 
are lost, be reckoned in the furniture and appointments of Caius Verres. Are you, 
forsooth, the only man who delights in Corinthian vases?  Are you the best judge in the 
world of the mixture of that celebrated bronze, and of the delicate tracery of that work?  
Did not the great Scipio, that most learned and accomplished man, understand it too?  
But do you, a man without one single virtue, without education, without natural ability, 
and without any information, understand them and value them?  Beware lest he be 
seen to have surpassed you and those other men who wished to be thought so 
elegant, not only in temperance, but in judgment and taste; for it was because he 
thoroughly understood how beautiful they were, that he thought that they were made, 
not for the luxury of men, but for the ornamenting of temples and cities, in order that 
they might appear to our posterity to be holy and sacred monuments.

	XLV.  Listen, also, O judges, to the man's singular covetousness, audacity and 
madness, especially in polluting those sacred things, which not only may not be 
touched with the hands, but which may not be violated even in thought.  There is a 
shrine of Ceres among the Catenans of the same holy nature as the one at Rome, and 
worshipped as the goddess is worshipped among foreign nations, and in almost every 
country in the world.  In the inmost part of that shrine there was an extremely ancient 
statue of Ceres, as to which men were not only ignorant of what sort it was, but even 
of its existence.  For the entrance into that shrine does not belong to men, the sacred 
ceremonies are accustomed to be performed by women and virgins.  Verres' slaves 
stole this statue by night out of that most holy and most ancient temple.  The next day 
the priestesses of Ceres, and the female attendants of that temple, women of great 
age, noble and of proved virtue, report the affair to their magistrates.  It appeared to all 
a most bitter, and scandalous, and miserable business.  Then that man, influenced by 
the atrocity of the action, in order that all suspicion of that crime might be removed 
from himself, employs some one connected with him by ties of hospitality to find a man 
whom he might accuse of having done it, and bids him take care that he be convicted 
of the accusation, so that he himself might not be subject to the charge.  The matter is 
not delayed.  For when he had departed from Catina, an information is laid against a 
certain slave.  He is accused; false witnesses are suborned against him; the whole 
senate sits in judgment on the affair, according to the laws of the Catenans.  The 
priestesses are summoned; they are examined secretly in the senate-house, and 
asked what had been done, and how they thought that the statue had been carried off.  
They answer that the servants of the praetor had been seen in the temple.  The 
matter, which previously had not been very obscure, began to be clear enough by the 
evidence of the priestesses.  The judges deliberate; the innocent slave is acquitted by 
every vote, in order that you may the more easily be able to condemn this man by all 
your votes. For what is it that you ask, O Verres?  What do you hope for?  What do 
you expect?  What god or man do you think will come to your assistance?  Did you 
send slaves to that place to plunder a temple, where it was not lawful for free citizens 
to go, not even for the purpose of praying?  Did you not hesitate to lay violent hands 
on those things from which the laws of religion enjoined you to keep even your eyes?  
Although it was not even because you were charmed by the eye that you were led into 
this wicked and nefarious conduct; for you coveted what you had never seen.  You 
took a violent fancy, I say, to that which you had not previously beheld.  From your 
ears did you conceive this covetousness, so violent that no fear, no religious scruple, 
no power of the gods, no regard for the opinion of men could restrain it.  Oh! but you 
had heard of it, I suppose, from some good man, from some good authority.  How 
could you have done that, when you could never have heard of it from any man at all?  
You heard of it, therefore, from a woman; since men could not have seen it, nor known 
of it.  What sort of woman do you think that she must have been, O judges?  What a 
modest woman must she have been to converse with Verres!  What a pious woman, to 
show him a plan for robbing a temple!  But it is no great wonder if those sacred 
ceremonies which are performed by the most extreme chastity of virgins and matrons 
were violated by his adultery and profligacy.

	XLVI.  What, then, are we to think?  Is this the only thing that he began to desire 
from mere hearing, when he had never seen it himself?  No, there were many other 
things besides; of which I will select the plundering of that most noble and ancient 
temple, concerning which you heard witnesses give their evidence at the former 
pleading.  Now, I beseech you, listen to the same story once more, and attend 
carefully as you hitherto have done.  There is an island called Melita, O judges, 
separated from Sicily by a sufficiently wide and perilous navigation, in which there is a 
town of the same name, to which Verres never went, though it was for three years a 
manufactory to him for weaving women's garments. Not far from that town, on a 
promontory, is an ancient temple of Juno, which was always considered so holy, that it 
was not only always kept inviolate and sacred in those Punic wars, which in those 
regions were carried on almost wholly by the naval forces, but even by the bands of 
pirates which ravage those seas.  Moreover, it has been handed down to us by 
tradition, that once, when the fleet of King Masinissa was forced to put into these ports, 
the king's lieutenant took away some ivory teeth of an incredible size out of the temple, 
and carried them into Africa, and gave them to Masinissa; that at first the king was 
delighted with the present, but afterwards, when he heard where they had come from, 
he immediately sent trustworthy men in a quinquereme to take those teeth back; and 
that there was engraved on them in Punic characters, "that Masinissa the king had 
accepted them ignorantly; but that, when he knew the truth, he had taken care that 
they should be replaced and restored." There was besides an immense quantity of 
ivory, and many ornaments, among which were some ivory victories of ancient 
workmanship, and wrought with exquisite skill.  Not to dwell too long on this, he took 
care to have all these things taken down and carried off at one swoop by means of the 
slaves of the Venus whom he had sent thither for that purpose.

	XLVII.  O ye immortal gods!  what sort of man is it that I am accusing? Who is it 
that I am prosecuting according to our laws, and by this regular process?  Concerning 
whom is it that you are going to give your judicial decision?  The deputies from Melita 
sent by the public authority of their state, say that the shrine of Juno was plundered; 
that that man left nothing in that most holy temple; that that place, to which the fleets of 
enemies often came, where pirates are accustomed to winter almost every year, and 
which no pirate ever violated, no enemy ever attacked before, was so plundered by 
that single man, that nothing whatever was left in it.  What, then, now are we to say of 
him as a defendant, of me as an accuser, of this tribunal?  Is he proved guilty of grave 
crimes, or is he brought into this court on mere suspicion?  Gods are proved to have 
been carried off, temples to have been plundered, cities to have been stripped of 
everything.  And of those actions he has left himself no power of denying one, no plea 
for defending one.  In every-particular he is convicted by me; he is detected by the 
witnesses; he is overwhelmed by his own admissions; he is caught in the evident 
commission of guilt; and even now he remains here, and in silence recognizes his own 
crimes as I enumerate them.

	I seem to myself to have been too long occupied with one class of crime. I am 
aware, O judges, that I have to encounter the weariness of your ears and eyes at such 
a repetition of similar cases; I will, therefore, pass over many instances.  But I entreat 
you, O judges, in the name of the immortal gods, in the name of these very gods of 
whose honor and worship we have been so long speaking, refresh your minds so as to 
attend to what I am about to mention, while I bring forward and detail to you that crime 
of his by which the whole province was roused, and in speaking of which you will 
pardon me if I appear to go back rather far, and trace the earliest recollections of the 
religious observances in question.  The importance of the affair will not allow me to 
pass over the atrocity of his guilt with brevity.

	XLVIII.  It is an old opinion, O judges, which can be proved from the most ancient 
records and monuments of the Greeks, that the whole island of Sicily was consecrated 
to Ceres and Libera.  Not only did all other nations think so, but the Sicilians 
themselves were so convinced of it, that it appeared a deeply rooted and innate belief 
in their minds.  For they believe that these goddesses were born in these districts, and 
that corn was first discovered in this land, and that Libera was carried off, the same 
goddess whom they call Proserpine, from a grove in the territory of Enna, a place 
which, because it is situated in the centre of the island, is called the navel of Sicily.  
And when Ceres wished to seek her and trace her out, she is said to have lit her 
torches at those flames which burst out at the summit of Aetna, and carrying these 
torches before her, to have wandered over the whole earth.  But Enna, where those 
things which I am speaking of are said to have been done, is in a high and lofty 
situation, on the top of which is a large level plain, and springs of water which are 
never dry.  And the whole of the plain is cut off and separated, so as to be difficult of 
approach.  Around it are many lakes and groves, and beautiful flowers at every season 
of the year; so that the place itself appears to testify to that abduction of the virgin 
which we have heard of from our boyhood. ^6 Near it is a cave turned towards the 
north, of unfathomable depth, where they say that Father Pluto suddenly rose out of 
the earth in his chariot, and carried the virgin off from that spot, and that on a sudden, 
at no great distance from Syracuse, he went down beneath the earth, and that 
immediately a lake sprang up in that place; and there to this day the Syracusans 
celebrate anniversary festivals with a most numerous assemblage of both sexes.

	[Footnote 6: We have the same advantage as, or rather greater advantages than 
Cicero in this respect; for we have heard the story from our boyhood told, far more 
beautifully than any Sicilian ever imagined it.  See Ovid, Fasti iv. 419.]

	XLIX.  On account of the antiquity of this belief, because in those places the 
traces and almost the cradles of those gods are found, the worship of Ceres of Enna 
prevails to a wonderful extent, both in private and in public over all Sicily.  In truth, 
many prodigies often attest her influence and divine powers.  Her present help is often 
brought to many in critical circumstances, so that this island appears not only to be 
loved, but also to be watched over and protected by her.  Nor is it the Sicilians only, 
but even all other tribes and nations greatly worship Ceres of Enna. In truth, if initiation 
into those sacred mysteries of the Athenians is sought for with the greatest avidity, to 
which people Ceres is said to have come in that long wandering of hers, and then she 
brought them corn. How much greater reverence ought to be paid to her by those 
people among whom it is certain that she was born, and first discovered corn.  And, 
therefore, in the time of our fathers, at a most disastrous and critical time to the 
republic, when, after the death of Tiberius Gracchus, there was a fear that great 
dangers were portended to the state by various prodigies, in the consulship of Publius 
Mucius and Lucius Calpurnius, recourse was had to the Sibylline books, in which it 
was found set down, "that the most ancient Ceres ought to be appeased." Then, 
priests of the Roman people, selected from the most honorable college of decemvirs, 
although there was in our own city a most beautiful and magnificent temple of Ceres, 
nevertheless went as far as Enna.  For such was the authority and antiquity of the 
reputation for holiness of that place, that when they went thither, they seemed to be 
going not to a temple of Ceres, but to Ceres herself.  I will not din this into your ears 
any longer.  I have been some time afraid that my speech may appear unlike the usual 
fashion of speeches at trials, unlike the daily method of speaking.  This I say, that this 
very Ceres, the most ancient, the most holy, the very chief of all sacred things which 
are honored by every people, and in every nation, was carried off by Caius Verres 
from her temple and her home.  Ye who have been to Enna, have seen a statue of 
Ceres made of marble, and in the other temple a statue of Libera.  They are very 
colossal and very beautiful, but not exceedingly ancient.  There was one of brass, of 
moderate size, but extraordinary workmanship, with the torches in its hands, very 
ancient, by far the most ancient of all those statues which are in that temple; that he 
carried off, and yet he was not content with that.  Before the temple of Ceres, in an 
open and an uncovered place, there are two statues, one of Ceres, the other of 
Triptolemus, very beautiful, and of colossal size. Their beauty was their danger, but 
their size their safety; because the taking of them down and carrying them off 
appeared very difficult.  But in the right hand of Ceres there stood a beautifully wrought 
image of victory; and this he had wrenched out of the hand of Ceres and carried off.



ROUGH RIDERS
Roosevelt, Theodore
Appendix D
    
Part V

	L.  What now must be his feelings at the recollection of his crimes, when I, at the 
mere enumeration of them, am not only roused to indignation in my mind, but even 
shudder over my whole body?  For thoughts of that temple, of that place, of that holy 
religion come into my mind. Everything seems present before my eyes, - the day on 
which, when I had arrived at Enna, the priests of Ceres came to meet me with 
garlands of vervain, and with fillets; the concourse of citizens, among whom, while I 
was addressing them, there was such weeping and groaning that the most bitter grief 
seemed to have taken possession of the whole.  They did not complain of the absolute 
way in which the tents were levied, nor of the plunder of property, nor of the iniquity of 
tribunals, nor of that man's unhallowed lusts, nor of his violence, nor of the insults by 
which they had been oppressed and overwhelmed.  It was the divinity of Ceres, the 
antiquity of their sacred observances, the holy veneration due to their temple, which 
they wished should have atonement made to them by the punishment of that most 
atrocious and audacious man.  They said that they could endure everything else; that 
to everything else they were indifferent. This indignation of theirs was so great, that 
you might suppose that Verres, like another king of hell, had come to Enna and had 
carried off, not Proserpine, but Ceres herself.  And, in truth, that city does not appear 
to be a city, but a shrine of Ceres.  The people of Enna think that Ceres dwells among 
them; so that they appear to me not to be citizens of that city, but to be all priests, to 
be all ministers and officers of Ceres.  Did you dare to take away out of Enna the 
statue of Ceres?  Did you attempt at Enna to wrench Victory out of the hand of Ceres?  
to tear one goddess from the other? - nothing of which those men dared to violate, or 
even to touch, whose qualities were all more akin to wickedness than to religion.  For 
while Publius Popillius and Publius Rupilius were consuls, slaves, runaway slaves, and 
barbarians, and enemies, were in possession of that place; but yet the slaves were not 
so much slaves to their own masters, as you are to your passions; nor did the 
runaways flee from their masters as far as you flee from all laws and from all right; nor 
were the barbarians as barbarous in language and in race as you are in your nature 
and your habits; nor were the enemies as much enem

